Archibald Roosevelt
Anti-Communist Activist & White Advocate
Part 2
Morris van de Camp

The Fabian Window is a work of stained glass which portrays prominent socialists as religious figures. The goal of the Fabian Society was to achieve socialist principles through the Fabian Strategy — to achieve their aims by inches and through stealth. Their symbol was a wolf in sheep’s clothing.
3,061 words
Part 2 of 2 (Part 1 here)
Metapolitical action
America emerged from the Second World War as the premier superpower. The nations of Europe were starving and in ruins. Japan was likewise wrecked. Even the victorious British were reliant on American aid. But American society was beset with three different kinds of problems. The first was that the economy was shackled by the New Deal, although this was not yet fully understood at the time. The second was that the Soviet Union had achieved considerable success in getting its American spies and supporters into policymaking positions in both the United States government and the Democratic Party. This greatly aided the Soviet-led Communist bloc’s expansion, which lasted from the mid-1940s until the late 1970s. Finally, and most importantly, “civil rights” was gathering steam as a political force, and it threatened — and still threatens — to dispossess American whites.
Archibald would work to unravel all these problems. His strategy was metapolitical. His efforts built upon the work of others, and was in turn built upon by later activists.
Unraveling the inefficient Keynesian New Deal
In the 1950s, Archibald Roosevelt along with other Harvard alumni formed The Alliance, Inc. and the Veritas Foundation to help turn things around. Their first objective was to untangle the economy from the New Deal and its Keynesian economic ideological base. Archibald’s primary workhorse in this effort was a man named Zygmund Dobbs.
I am not fully certain who Zygmund Dobbs was, but I did find a likely candidate in an obituary for a Zygmund Dobbs who was born in Michigan in 1912 and who had been a resident of West Sayville, New York, which is where the Veritas Foundation’s publications was printed. This Dobbs, if he is the right one, died in 1995 at the age of 83. Dobbs was a Baptist with a family. Archibald’s teamwork with Zygmund Dobbs is a perfect example of how to be successful: find good people and get them on your team.
Dobbs was influenced by Yale economics professor Olin Glenn Saxon (1892-1962). Saxon greatly aided Dobbs with writing Keynes at Harvard (1960) and he outlined Dobb’s follow-on book, The Great Deceit: Social Pseudo-Scientists (1964).
Keynes at Harvard (1960) is a call for free market economics by presenting the problems in Keynesian economic theory, as well as its ties to socialism and Communism. Keynesianism is the practice of using the government to intervene in the economy in various ways. Under Keynesianism, should there be many unemployed workers the government must step in with various programs to get them back to work. This idea works when there are dams and roads to be built, but fails when there are too many government regulators in charge of it. Keynesian economic theory is thus inefficient when the economy is prosperous. Keynesian policies were adopted by a variety of nations in the post-war era, however; Great Britain and India fell behind economically in the 1940s because of inefficient Keynesian polices, for example.
Many of the Keynesians at Harvard in 1960 were Soviet sympathizers. Dobbs identifies who its thought-leaders were and which of them were Soviet agents. Two Keynesian Soviet spies were Harry Dexter White (Jewish) and Lauchlin Currie (Canadian immigrant). Dobbs doesn’t describe the clash between Keynesians and free-market supporters in ethnic terms, since many of the Keynesians as well as socialist sympathizers were old–stock Americans such as Professor James Harvey Robinson, who was descended from the Mayflower Pilgrims’ pastor. As for Keynes himself, he founded a company that greatly profited from the Keynesian economic policies that were enacted by various governments though his insider knowledge of what they were going to do.
Keynes at Harvard was certainly influential, so much so that one of the Keynesians identified by Dobbs, John Kenneth Galbraith, was portrayed as a villain in my high school economics course in the early 1990s (when other economic theories were beginning to displace Keynesianism). Keynes at Harvard went through six print runs over two years, or 80,000 copies.
Dobb’s follow-on book, The Great Deceit, expands upon Keynes at Harvard. Archibald wrote the Introduction, and in it he indicts the anti-anti-Communists who tended to push for socialism:
. . . [T]he greatest danger to the Free World today is creeping socialism, and not only its Communist counterpart. For the blatant brutality of Communism is better understood by the American people, and hence regarded with well-informed hatred. Fabian socialists have managed to maintain an aura of respectability with the wealthy and the “book educated.” These revolutionary wolves masquerade in sheep’s clothing as gentle reformers. Although the socialists claim that they are innovators, [the Veritas Foundation] proves that they are really reactionaries, who wish to turn society backward to despots like Napoleon, Louis XIV (l’etat c’est moi — a typical socialist attitude), feudalist Charlemagne, or primitive tribal chiefs.[1]

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This paragraph neatly sums up the book’s message. Fabian socialism’s roots stretch back to the feudalist ideas of the Middle Ages. The Great Deceit was a primer for voters heading into the 1964 election, which was notable for the fact that a new political ideology — the conservative movement — was just starting to become electorally viable. The conservative movement supported the economic ideas outlined in The Great Deceit. The Democratic Party responded with a hysterical campaign that claimed the Republican candidate, Barry Goldwater, was a madman. Even the conservative National Review published a hostile review of The Great Deceit.
The Democrats won in 1964, and within months America was beset with race riots at home as well as trouble in Vietnam. Archibald’s epilogue to The Great Deceit seems prophetic in hindsight. In it, he mentions that Lyndon Johnson’s Vice President, Hubert H. Humphrey, was a Fabian socialist, and rightly points out that Humphrey’s judgement was lacking. Archibald also prophetically wrote that the conflict in Vietnam was already going badly, and this was before American soldiers had been deployed there. Archibald concludes that Fabian socialists “use social pseudo-science as their main tool for indoctrinating an entire nation.”
Humphrey would be nominated for President in 1968, but the Democratic Party was in complete disarray by that time, due in no small part to Humphrey’s poor choices. In 1968, Southerners as well as Irish Catholics in the North’s big cities were sick of race trouble and the mismanagement of the Vietnam War, so they began to defect to the Republican Party. By the 1970s, Archibald’s anti-socialist message started to pick up steam.
Communist subversion
Franklin Delano Roosevelt was something of a white advocate. He kept immigration under control, supported segregation, and took the concerns of Democrat Southerners seriously. His coalition was unique in that it brought together most of the American political factions of the time, including Southern segregationists and far-Left — often Jewish — intellectuals. His Keynesian and Fabian socialist-inspired New Deal also brought many socialists and Communist sympathizers into the US government.
The Soviet Union conducted an extensive public-relations operation at the time which created an illusion of progress which captured the hearts and minds of many in the Roosevelt administration. Most of the underground Communists were Jews, but not all. A surprising number of old-stock Americans in the US government became Communists, including the diplomat Alger Hiss.
The American public finally awoke to the problem of Communist subversion when they saw how aggressive the Soviet Union became when it blockaded West Berlin in 1948, and by 1950 came the Korean War, which poisoned America’s domestic politics in the early 1950s. The war had come about in no small part due to those Communists who had entered government service during the Roosevelt administration. There were also atomic spies for the Soviets, who were often Jews, embedded in the US nuclear weapons program who were able to quickly relay classified information to the Soviet Union, which sped up the amount of time it took for Moscow to acquire its own nuclear arsenal. With nuclear weapons and Communist China on his side, Stalin was free to support Communist North Korea’s push into South Korea. And that wasn’t all. Communism triumphed in China in part because a Soviet spy in the US Treasury, the Keynesian Harry Dexter White (Jewish), maneuvered to stop a loan to the Nationalist Chinese government at a critical time. Communists within the US establishment had become a very serious problem for the entire world.
Archibald’s best approach to this problem was his support for the conversion of Communists into anti-Communists. One such convert was Manning Johnson (1908-1959), a black writer who was raised in a deeply Christian home. Johnson initially supported the “rise through work” philosophy of Booker T. Washington, although he eventually came to realize that Negro Christianity in America was riddled with Communist sympathizers among its ministers. Johnson thus broke with Communism and became a Right-wing Afrikan writer.
Archibald wrote the Introduction to Johnson’s 1958 book Color, Communism, and Common Sense:
In modern literature, anti-communists are generally pictured as scoundrels. On the other hand, left-wing Perjures and Jail Birds are shown as persecuted lambs. But there is a special vitriol uncorked for those who have followed communism and have repented to such an extent that they are publicly willing to stand up and testify against it by word and deed . . . Manning Johnson is a man of ability and education and felt himself frustrated by his race and color, and fell under the spell of the communist propaganda. The communists, however, reckoned without understanding that the man they had enlisted in their cause had, for them, certain dangerous qualities. He had a Christian upbringing, he was intelligent, and he had courage. His Christian upbringing made him revolt and the obscene immorality of the Communist Party and its members.
Johnson didn’t receive the conservative acclaim that the former Communist spy Whittaker Chambers had. Johnson also was far out of step with the rest of the sub-Saharan community in America. He died in 1959, before he could say “I told you so” regarding the problems within the Jewish-led National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) that manifested by the mid-1960s. Nonetheless, Archibald’s support for Johnson helped to discourage any outright Communist support among sub-Saharans, which could have made things far worse than they already were.
Race and immigration
Although Archibald supported Manning Johnson, he was not a color-blind conservative. His ideas regarding race and immigration were probably rooted in his understanding of the considerable racial problems his father had faced during his career. When American troops had been assembling in Tampa, Florida for the invasion of Cuba in 1898, the sub-Saharan 24th and 25th US Infantry regiments went on a crime spree that culminated in a riot that destroyed much of the downtown district and which was only put down by white troops. In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt was again bedeviled by sub-Saharan troops attacking whites (Tex-Mex “Hispanics”) in Brownsville, Texas. And in 1917, sub-Saharan troops stormed through Houston, killing whites.
Archibald Roosevelt knew all of this, and was later involved in the publication of several race-realist books. The first was Red Intrigue and Race Turmoil in 1954, published by The Alliance, Inc. Archibald wrote its Preface, and as with the other works, the bulk of the writing was by Zygmund Dobbs. In Red Intrigue Dobbs points out that the desegregation effort in Little Rock, Arkansas, which was enforced by armed federal soldiers, was supported by the Communist newspapers. Dobbs dives into what the early Communists had actually said about sub-Saharans and showed that both Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had disliked blacks.
Indeed, until the First World War the Communist movement had propagated the idea that Europeans were united, yet divided into classes with common interests, but that Communism could not be applied to primitive, non-white societies. During the First World War, however, the working class in each country sided with their nations rather than with the international labor movement. Communist thinkers, especially in the Jewish-led Frankfurt School, then realized that they needed to shift their focus away from class and toward recruiting non-whites.

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The Great Deceit’s focus is economics, but it does talk about race as well. Dobbs points out that physical anthropology departments were staffed by socialists who merely swapped out race for “culture.” This switch clouded racial understanding and increased tensions. These new cultural anthropologists were led by Franz Boas (Jewish). Boas turned anthropology — the study of man by examining physical features — into a pseudo-science. Boas triumphed by becoming member of the American Museum of Natural History and a lecturer at Columbia University, using his influence on other university anthropology departments to staff them with his disciples. Kevin B. Macdonald discusses Boasian anthropology in depth in his book, The Culture of Critique.
Archibald’s most important book on racial realities was Theodore Roosevelt on Race, Riots, Immigration and Crime (1968). Its publication came at a time when America was starting to feel the effects of a massive sub-Saharan crime wave which wouldn’t end until President Clinton enacted stricter legislation. The book starts with the theme of unifying that which can be unified. Roosevelt writes that the Celts and Teutons of northwest Europe were a single people and that the majority of immigrants to America had come from this region. This was a continuation of Madison Grant’s idea that old-stock Americans could unite with the more recently-arrived Nordic immigrants.
Theodore Roosevelt on Race also refutes the claim that North America was “stolen” from the Indians. Roosevelt points out that Indian claims to the land were based on the presence of Indian hunting bands. If this were to be considered legally binding, then Daniel Boone’s party could have easily “claimed” Kentucky on the same basis. In fact, Indian land was purchased for a much bigger price than what was paid to France for Louisiana and Russia for Alaska.
Theodore Roosevelt’s view of things was Darwinian, so he endorsed large white families and spoke favorably of the white advocate Edward Alsworth Ross. Roosevelt likewise favored a strong national defense. He believed that the upper classes needed be serve in the military as well as the others. The book also includes a lengthy discussion of Roosevelt’s ideas on work and welfare. Roosevelt argued against public assistance, and in fact the ideas on welfare that were laid out in this book were eventually adopted by President Clinton in 1994. Clinton also enacted Theodore Roosevelt’s suggested immigration restrictions to the best degree that was politically possible at the time, even if it was only a partial victory.
Missing the Jewish Question
Archibald Roosevelt never had much to say about the conflict between Jews and white Americans. The Great Deceit is in fact sympathetic to Jews and doesn’t say anything about Zionism; indeed, it claims that Jews create economic prosperity. He further contends that this prosperity is resented by socialists, whose intellectual origins lie in the feudal economic model.
The real economic dynamism of the United States doesn’t come from Jewish immigrants, however. The Jews arrived long after the American economy had already begun developing in colonial times. The impulse for entrepreneurial activity comes from the theology of Calvinism, which holds that a sign of Divine Grace is wealth and a long life, thus motivating believers to work hard. Theology matters, but it is also possible that Calvinism was adopted by northern Europeans who are already inclined to work hard and see wealth and healthy living as goods in their own right.
Winning the Cold War
To an anti-Communist liberal such as John F. Kennedy, the proposals coming out of Archibald Roosevelt’s organizations must have seemed insane in the 1950s and early ‘60s. The Keynesian New Deal had saved capitalism and supported many people during the Great Depression, after all, and the US economy was prospering between 1950 and the mid-1970s, which was the heyday of Keynesian economics. Liberals such as Kennedy could argue that Keynesian economics was successfully combating Communism by adopting semi-socialist policies, thereby undermining full Communism.
Keynesian economics and socialism were adopted in Great Britain, however, and while it achieved “full employment,” this consisted of undereducated men in jobs where there was little to do and who were prone to strike. The British economy, unsurprisingly, began to decline. The American economy likewise began to contract in the 1970s due to some of the same factors. It recovered because Ronald Reagan and a great many others dismantled the remaining parts of the New Deal in the 1980s. Communists must have been disheartened when the Keynesian policies adopted in the “free world” were scrapped and things improved. Archibald Roosevelt’s metapolitical effort therefore attacked the Communists at what appeared to be their strongest point — and won.
These free–market economic ideas didn’t work for America once they were applied as part of a global system, however. Archibald’s idea of the free market in the 1960s morphed into 1990s neo-liberalism, which helped to bring about a deindustrialization crisis whose effects have not ended.
Archibald Roosevelt’s military career was more than valorous. The problem with white advocates who engage in military service is that this often causes them to misdirect their energy into frontier adventures rather than on bring about real changes at home. But Archibald Roosevelt did both. He was a valiant soldier on the frontier as well as a good metapolitical activist who fought Communism and “civil rights.” His class of old-stock American patricians are the right people to have in high positions.
Archibald Roosevelt died in 1979. His tombstone reads: “The old fighting man home from the wars.”
Bibliography
Zygmund Dobbs, Keynes at Harvard: Economic Deception as a Political Credo (West Sayville, N. Y.: Veritas Foundation, 1960)
Zygmund Dobbs, The Great Deceit: Social Pseudo-Sciences (West Sayville, N. Y.: Veritas Foundation, 1964)
J. W. Jamison, Theodore Roosevelt on Race, Riots, Immigration and Crime (Washington, D. C.: Scott-Townsend Publishers, 1996)
H. Paul Jeffers, Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.: The Life of a War Hero (Novato, Calif.: Presidio Press, Inc., 2002)
John Miller, Jr., The War in the Pacific, Cartwheel: The Reduction of Rabaul (Washington, D. C.: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1959)
Samuel Milner, The War in the Pacific: Victory in Papua (Washington, D. C.: Department of the Army, 1957)
Archie Roosevelt, Jr., For Lust of Knowing: Memoirs of an Intelligence Officer (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1988)
Note
[1] Zygmund Dobbs, The Great Deceit: Social Pseudo-Sciences (West Sayville, N. Y.: Veritas Foundation, 1964), p. 1.
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