Marinetti in the First World War.
176 words
Those on the Right who believe that modern art is always “decadent” need to come to grips with Italian Futurism. In commemoration of the birthday of Filippo Marinetti, the founder of Italian Futurism and one of the prophets of Fascism, I would like to draw your attention to several writings on this website.
By Marinetti:
166 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
Roy Campbell
1,562 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side, have led his works being consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
648 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. He published twenty-odd books and countless essays, articles, and reviews. (more…)
2,782 slov
English original here
Gianfranco de Turris
Julius Evola: The Philosopher and Magician in War: 1943–1945
Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 2020
Tento anglický překlad díla Gianfranca de Turrise Julius Evola: Un filosofo in guerra 1943–1945 přichází v příhodný čas, protože ukazuje, jak se velký muž vyrovnává se zhroucením společnosti i osobní tragédií. (more…)
“We are Making a New World” (1918) by Paul Nash, Imperial War Museum
6,821 mots
English original here
Traduit par Le Fauconnier
Une lecture Nationaliste Blanche de l’ouvrage de Dominique Venner:
Le Siècle de 1914: Utopies, guerres et révolutions en Europe au XXe siècle, Paris, Pygmalion, 2006 (more…)
3,696 words
Today’s dominant ruling order, stretching over most of the world, can only be rejected in its entirety. This is only possible, though, with a lucid insight into how it gained the awesome power it wields today. Such an endeavor should begin with a clarification of how the globally entrenched power in question, and its accompanying ideological ethos, came to such a prominent position in the last century. (more…)
1,680 words
Whenever the self-proclaimed “progressives” lose a power play they suddenly experience a collective sphincter muscle collapse and react as if they’re teetering on the brink of an apocalypse, as was in stark evidence after Donald Trump derailed Hillary Clinton’s “The Corruption Express” headed for the White House Station. The Hollywood idiots, of course, were apoplectic. The outpouring and duration of mass hysteria in the aftermath of the 2016 election were unprecedented.
We’re still feeling the aftershock (more…)
General Mark Milley
1,248 words
The Nazi canard is still alive and stronger than ever in the post-Trump era. Even since Donald Trump came down the escalator, his many enemies have cried that his movement is the modern-day NSDAP. Much of this owes to Americans’ only historical reference being World War II. The other factor is that there exists no greater evil to the contemporary westerner than the Nazis. Not even Satan can compare.
Republican officers inspect Soviet armor in Spain
2,525 words
The uprising of General Francisco Franco against the Leftist Republican Spanish government began in July of 1936. The fratricidal bloodbath that was the Spanish Civil War ended on April 1, 1939, with the Republican surrender to Franco’s Nationalist forces. The history of that conflict deserves intense, careful scrutiny, and for a number of reasons. (more…)
E. E. Cummings
7,037 words
At the time of his death in 1962, modernist writer E. E. Cummings was the second most widely read poet in the United States after Robert Frost. William Carlos Williams ranked Cummings and Ezra Pound as “beyond doubt the two most distinguished” contemporary American poets. Pound titled his own global selection of poetry of various ages and cultures Confucius to Cummings: An Anthology of Poetry (1964). (more…)
J. L. Austin
1,764 words
To get a better sense of what the Left is all about with the relentless labeling of any and all opposition as “racist,” “fascist,” “proponents of hatred,” etc., and to try to understand how language in the service of ideology has become so corrupted, it might be helpful to consider the notion of “performative utterances” (hereafter, performatives) as developed by J. L. Austin, a British language philosopher from the last century. (more…)
William Butler Yeats, 1865-1939
170 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
1,342 words
D-Day is one of the most important anniversaries on the American calendar. Even though it was only the 77th anniversary this year, politicians and other dignitaries still felt it was needed to tweet about the day. It’s not the worst holiday in the world. It ultimately celebrates the heroism of white men in combat. (more…)
8,536 words
Wilhelm Reich
The Mass Psychology of Fascism
New York: Farrar, Straus and Company, 1946
What makes Fascists tick? Wilhelm Reich said he had the answer in his groundbreaking book The Mass Psychology of Fascism. (more…)
215 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
The Falangist Sección Femenina salutes before delivering food to the needy, Pascual Marín, 1937.
1,908 words
Allow me, dear reader, to take you on a fantastic journey to a mythical time known as the “middle tens.” It was a period between 2012 and 2018 when the hottest political movement was populism. All the cool kids were populists, and we were witnessing the rise of something new and exciting, something that would later be described as national populism. (more…)
2,272 words
Nature is a temple, where the living
Columns sometimes breathe of confusing speech;
Man walks within these groves of symbols, each
Of which regards him as a kindred thing.
— Charles Baudelaire, “Correspondence” (more…)
Frederic Remington, The Bronco Buster, 1895.
6,316 words
Gen. Turgidson: Now, wouldn’t that necessitate the abandonment of the so-called monogamous sexual relationship, I mean, as far as men were concerned?
Dr. Strangelove: Regrettably, yes. But it is, you know, a sacrifice required for the future of the human race.
“Is ‘Short Time Preference’ Really Such a Problem?” by Eumaios, apart from its own considerable merits, was particularly interesting for me — and I suppose some of my Constant Readers — due to his reduplication of a number of the most characteristic formulations of the midcentury Barbadian mystic Neville. [1] (more…)
142 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later.
To learn more about D’Annunzio’s life and accomplishments, see the following works on this site: (more…)
Merwin K. Hart
1,582 words
I’d like to introduce the reader to an important Rightist of the past — Merwin K. Hart (1881-1962). Hart was a critic of Roosevelt and the New Deal throughout the 1930s and 1940s. He created a metapolitical society that eventually came to be called the National Economic Council, Inc. The National Economic Council aimed to fight the New Deal reforms of the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Administration and turn back Communism more generally. (more…)
Marinetti in the First World War.
176 words
Those on the Right who believe that modern art is always “decadent” need to come to grips with Italian Futurism. In commemoration of the birthday of Filippo Marinetti, the founder of Italian Futurism and one of the prophets of Fascism, I would like to draw your attention to several writings on this website.
By Marinetti:
1,919 words
In post-1945 Japan — as in most of the states that lost in World War II — American occupation brought about radical political and social changes. In the 1946 to 1948 Tokyo trial (similar to Nuremberg), several leaders of the war cabinet were sentenced to death or long prison terms. It was also stipulated in the constitution that Japan cannot have its own armed forces, only Jieitai (Japan Self Defense Forces), a small number of volunteers for self-defense purposes. (more…)
166 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
1,340 words
With all the uncertainty surrounding the 2020 election, I’m reminded of the Randy Newman song “I Want You to Hurt Like I Do.” It’s a slow, depressing waltz about a self-centered person who’s cruel to others for no reason. And when asked why, he repeats the song title for an explanation. (more…)
5,462 words
“Socialism” is intrinsic to the “Right.” When journalists and academics refer in one breath to “liberalism, neoliberalism, and the Right-wing,” that attests to their ignorance, not to the accuracy of any such bastardization. Even at its most basic level of understanding, it seems to have been forgotten that in Britain there were Tories and Whigs in opposition. Now, Toryism has become so detached from its origins (more…)
Roy Campbell
1,562 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side, have led his works being consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
643 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. He published twenty-odd books and countless essays, articles, and reviews. (more…)
3,927 words
All this anti-Masonry and TradCath stuff; there was something familiar with all this, until at some point I exclaimed again, “You’ve seen these films before, haven’t you, my man!” It’s Baron Evola’s doppelganger!
Although to be honest, it may have been Will herself who clued me in. (more…)
Gertrude Stein.
6,991 words
Barbara Will
Unlikely Collaboration: Gertrude Stein, Bernard Faÿ, and the Vichy Dilemma (Gender and Culture Series)
New York City: Columbia University Press, 2011
The joy of the body, the most honorable and fecund joy of all, reign[s] in America.
— Bernard Faÿ (more…)
3,484 words
Czech version here
Gianfranco de Turris
Julius Evola: The Philosopher and Magician in War: 1943–1945
Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 2020
This English translation of Gianfranco de Turris’s Julius Evola: Un filosofo in guerra 1943–1945 has come along at just the right time, for it shows us how a great man coped both with societal collapse and with personal tragedy. (more…)
Carl Schmitt, 1888–1985
3,994 words
Like many of his books, Carl Schmitt’s The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (1923) is a slender volume packed with explosive ideas.[1] The title of the English translation is somewhat misleading. The German title, Die geistesgeschichtliche Lage des heutigen Parlamentarismus, is more literally rendered The Intellectual-Historical Position of Contemporary Parliamentarism. But the word “crisis” is still appropriate, because parliamentary democracy in Weimar Germany really was in crisis. (more…)
William Butler Yeats, 1865-1939
170 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
215 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
580 words
Translated by Riki Rei.
To the members of Tatenokai [Shield Society]:
Among you there are both those who have stayed with us consistently since the founding of our organization and those of the fifth class who have been with us for only nine months. Yet as far as I’m concerned, regardless of the degrees of your involvement and experience, we are all comrades of a shared identity who have gone beyond the difference of ages (more…)
142 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later.
To learn more about D’Annunzio’s life and accomplishments, see the following works on this site: (more…)
4,065 words
Extraordinary! There are three—maybe four—Pinocchio films now in development or newly released. They all promise to reveal dark, hitherto unexplored aspects of the famous marionette’s saga. One is a Robert Downey Jr. project that’s been hemming and hawing since about 2012. Initially Downey was planning to play both Geppetto and the title role. Now he’s older, so he’ll just play Geppetto. A new live-action Pinocchio premiered last month in Italy. (more…)
97 words
Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site:
165 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
Roy Campbell
1,561 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side, have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
643 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. He published twenty-odd books and countless essays, articles, and reviews. (more…)
198 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
2,086 words
Robert A. Heinlein’s Starship Troopers (1959) marked his transition from writing juvenile pulp science fiction to serious novels of ideas, in this case setting forth a highly reactionary and militarist political philosophy. Paul Verhoeven’s 1997 film of Starship Troopers takes quite a few liberties with Heinlein’s plot but manages to capture its spirit and communicate its key ideas. (more…)
137 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later.
1,980 words
Emil Cioran
Apologie de la Barbarie: Berlin – Bucharest (1932-1941)
Paris: L’Herne, 2015
This is a very interesting book released by the superior publishing house L’Herne: a collection of Emil Cioran’s articles published in Romanian newspapers, mostly from before the war. (more…)
1,761 words
Translated by Guillaume Durocher
Translator’s Note: The following are excerpts from the preface to a collection of early articles by Emil Cioran translated from Romanian into French. I found this very interesting concerning the young Cioran’s embrace of fascism as embodying the “barbarism” he considered necessary to halt decadence. I have broken up some of the paragraphs. (more…)
97 words
Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site: (more…)
Marinetti in the First World War.
173 words
Those on the Right who believe that modern art is always “decadent” need to come to grips with Italian Futurism. In commemoration of the birthday of Filippo Marinetti, the founder of Italian Futurism and one of the prophets of Fascism, I would like to draw your attention to several writings on this Website.
1. Marinetti’s own “Futurist Manifesto” of 1909.
2. Kerry Bolton’s essay “Filippo Marinetti,” which has also been published in his book Artists of the Right: Resisting Decadence. (Portuguese translation here.)
6,325 words
Jason Stanley
How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them
New York: Random House, 2018
Jason Stanley, a Jew who is a professor of philosophy at Yale, has recently published a book in which he seeks to explain how fascism takes root in society. With the conceptual complexity and intellectual depth of an MSNBC talk show, the author finds that–surprise!–the precursors to fascism are to be found everywhere in Trump’s America, (more…)
1,340 words
Reputation-wise, Bernardo Bertolucci (1941-2018) missed a good bet by not dying a quarter-century ago, rather than lingering on for years of illness and diminishing fame. Orson Welles spent his lengthy dotage introducing himself to new generations as a pitchman for Paul Masson wine, and that seemed pretty sad, but at least people knew who he was. When the equally talented Bertolucci died on November 26, he had almost no public profile at all. (more…)
1,973 words
John B. Judis
The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics
New York: Columbia Global Reports, 2016
Following the collapse of the Warsaw Pact in 1989 and, two years later, of the Soviet Union itself, there was a widespread sense in the West that the free market had conclusively vindicated itself (more…)
Maxwell Knight (right) and friends.
2,074 words
The spymaster’s fascist background is just one of the many obstacles in telling the Maxwell Knight story.
One of the oddest television projects now in development is a forthcoming series about master spy Maxwell Knight, the real-life “M” of MI5. (more…)
165 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
Roy Campbell
1,561 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side, have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
643 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. He published twenty-odd books and countless essays, articles, and reviews. (more…)
Antonio De Oliveira Salazar of Portugal (left) and Francisco Franco of Spain (right).
5,449 words
Dimitris Michalopoulos is a Greek historian. The present paper observes the rules of the US Library of Congress for the transliteration of Greek names.
The case of Stefan Zweig is a well-known one. He was born in Vienna, the capital of the Habsburg Empire, in 1881. Being of Jewish stock, and thanks to his talent as well as the patronage of Theodor Herzl,[1] he succeeded during the 1920s and ‘30s in becoming one of the most renowned authors throughout the world. (more…)
3,033 words
Madeline Albright
Fascism: A Warning
New York: Harper Collins Publishing, 2018
Although many on the Right saw Bill Clinton as the devil incarnate, I’d like to first point out that the Clinton Administration was not entirely evil. Clinton’s first crisis was the Haitian refugee swarm, which he turned back. Clinton also attempted the sort of immigration reform we could get behind[1] (more…)
William Butler Yeats, 1865-1939
170 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
Count Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi
2,079 words
The facts of history are invariably more paradoxical and interesting than the retrospective mythology that comes afterwards. Browsing an excellent collection of Julius Evola’s essays, I came across an astonishing interview which the Baron held with his fellow aristocrat, the long-time “European federalist” Count Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi. (more…)
189 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
5,765 words
The follow is the text of the talk that Counter-Currents editor John Morgan delivered to The New York Forum on May 20, 2017.
Tonight I thought I’d talk about Julius Evola, since yesterday (May 19) was his 119th birthday, and I have overseen the publication of many of Evola’s texts in English. (more…)
509 words
José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, the First Duke of Primo de Rivera, the Third Marquis of Estella, GdE was born on this day in 1903. His father was the dictator of Spain, appointed by King Alfonso XIII, from 1923 until 1930. Primo de Rivera was originally a lawyer, but in October 1933 he founded the fascist Spanish Falange movement. The Falange was monarchist, Catholic, anti-democratic, anti-capitalist, anti-Communist, and national syndicalist in orientation (more…)
1,605 words
Philip M. Coupland
Farming, Fascism and Ecology: A Life of Jorian Jenks
London and New York: Routledge, 2017 (Routledge Studies in Fascism and the Far Right)
The connections between the organic movement and the radical Right are often overlooked. To the chagrin of liberal environmentalists, the early organic movement had close links to both fascism and National Socialism. (more…)
45:12 / 6,632 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is the transcript by V. S. of a conversation with Robert Stark first published at the Voice of Reason network on April 2, 2012 but no longer online there. To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save target as.” To subscribe to our podcasts, click here. (more…)
Georges Sorel
1,639 slov
English version here
U příležitosti 170. narozenin Georgese Sorela (2. listopadu 1847) přinášíme tento překlad pocty Sorelovi z pera Alaina de Benoista.
Přestože násilí nutně zůstává na pořadu dne vždy, 50. výročí úmrtí Georgese Sorela by prošlo takřka bez povšimnutí, kdyby nakladatelství Éditions Marcel Rivière nepřipadlo na myšlenku vydat znovu jeho Réflexions sur la violence [Úvahy o násilí] (Paris: Éditions Marcel Rivière, 1973). (more…)
999 slov
Při příležitosti výročí úmrtí Maurice Bardècheho přinášíme závěrečný díl třídílné minisérie, první část naleznete zde, druhou zde.
English translation here
Účelem fašistického státu je formovat lidi podle určitého modelu. Na rozdíl od demokratických států se ty fašistické nezdráhají učit také morálku. (more…)
Arno Breker – Fackelträger (1940)
1,059 slov
English translation here
Druhý díl ze třídílné minisérie, první část naleznete zde, závěrečnou třetí tady.
Fašismus v protikladu k tomu demokratickému předkládá svůj vlastní alternativní obraz člověka i pojetí svobody, od onoho velebeného demokratického velice odlišné.
Demokracie svobodu nijak neomezuje, snad kromě zákazu škodit ostatním. (more…)
Maurice Bardèche (1907-1998)
1,398 slov
English translation here
Druhý díl naleznete zde, třetí závěrečný tady.
Diktatura je věcná. Římané, když se jejich vlast ocitla v ohrožení, pozastavovali působení republikánských svobod. Stejně tak Konvent. Režim „vlasti v nebezpečí“ je režim autoritářský, nastolený ve vážných případech (Ernstfall) k zachování nezávislosti a k záchraně země vůbec. (more…)
Mussolini with D’Annunzio
117 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later. (more…)
1,663 words
Fernando Esposito
Fascism, Aviation and Mythical Modernity
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015
The British political theorist Roger Griffin has argued that the defining characteristic of fascist movements is a central myth of national rebirth, or palingenetic ultranationalism. His study of fascism (The Nature of Fascism) sparked controversy upon its publication because it diverged from the consensus at the time that fascist movements were purely reactionary and conservative in character; (more…)
166 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
1,542 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
617 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. (more…)
1,527 words
Editor’s Note:
This is the transcription by V. S. of the Q&A session after Jonathan Bowden’s lecture on Martin Heidegger, which has recently been published in Extremists: Studies in Metapolitics. — Greg Johnson
Q: I’ve noticed that Leftists systematically completely misunderstand what Heidegger meant by “nihilism.” (more…)
162 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
Hermann Hesse with Thomas Mann and Jakob Wassermann in the Swiss Alps, 1931.
5,315 words
Part 2 of 2 (Part 1 here)
Here is where Hesse meets up with Evola: the two post-First World War writers share a number of themes, though what Evola would have called their “personal equation” gave them decidedly different interpretations. Demian, for example, treats of initiation, paganism, esoteric knowledge, and construction of elites, in ways comparable to Evola’s personal investigations with the UR group;[1] but apart from Hesse’s overall Jungian lens, his war-derived pacifism would have disgusted Evola. And his Buddha “is certainly not the one depicted by Hermann Hesse in his novel [Siddhartha].” (more…)
188 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
5,766 words
The follow is the text of the talk that Counter-Currents editor John Morgan delivered to The New York Forum on Saturday.
Tonight I thought I’d talk about Julius Evola, since yesterday (May 19) was his 119th birthday, and I have overseen the publication of many of Evola’s texts in English. (more…)
509 words
José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, the First Duke of Primo de Rivera, the Third Marquis of Estella, GdE was born on this day in 1903. His father was the dictator of Spain, appointed by King Alfonso XIII, from 1923 until 1930. Primo de Rivera was originally a lawyer, but in October 1933 he founded the fascist Spanish Falange movement. The Falange was monarchist, Catholic, anti-democratic, anti-capitalist, anti-Communist, and national syndicalist in orientation (more…)
Mussolini with D’Annunzio.
117 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later. (more…)
97 words
Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site:
4,530 words
Charles Maurras
The Future of the Intelligentsia, and For a French Awakening
Translated with an introduction by Dr. Alexander Jacob
London, Artkos Media Ltd., 2016
Given the seminal influence of Maurras on Rightist thinking, this translation of two of his essays, compiled into a single volume, is a significant contribution to the development of New Right thought especially for Anglophones. (more…)
1,971 words
Ezra Pound
Jefferson and/or Mussolini
London: Stanley Nott Ltd., 1935
Ezra Pound liked his books charged with meaning. “Man reading should be man intensely alive. The book should be a ball of light in one’s hand,” he wrote in his Guide to Kulchur, another one of his, shall we say, B-Sides.
2,007 words
Henry Williamson
Today is the birthday of Henry Williamson (Dec. 1, 1895 – Aug. 13, 1977)—ruralist author, war historian, journalist, farmer, and visionary of British fascism.
Two rather incongruous points of Williamson’s life stand out. One is that he achieved fame with what is usually regarded as a children’s book, Tarka the Otter (originally published 1927, with a movie version in 1979).
The other is that he was a friend of Lawrence of Arabia; and that it was on his way back from posting a letter to Williamson that T. E. Lawrence was mysteriously killed in a motorcycle accident. (more…)
Giacomo Balla, Balbo and the Italian Transatlantic Flyers (Celestial Metallic Airplane), 1931
1,560 words / 10:47
Audio version: To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save target or link as.”
Spanish translation here
What is the relevance of what I call the Old Right — German National Socialism, Italian Fascism, and related interwar national-populist movements — to White Nationalism today? The question would not even arise, of course, if there were no connection at all. Many White Nationalist ideas are either direct descendants of Old Right ideologies, or they are their cousins, meaning that they share common ancestors, that they are branches of the same ideological tree. (more…)
Giacomo Balla, Balbo y los Transatlánticos voladores Italianos (Aviones Celestiales Metálicos), 1931
English original here
¿Cuál es la relevancia de lo que llamo Vieja Derecha –Nacional Socialismo Alemán, Fascismo Italiano, y los movimientos nacional-populistas del período entreguerras- para el Nacionalismo Blanco hoy en día? La pregunta no se plantearía, por supuesto, si no hubiera conexión alguna. Muchas ideas Nacionalistas Blancas son descendientes directos o primos de las ideologías de la Vieja Derecha, esto quiere decir que comparten los mismos ancestros, y que son ramas del mismo árbol ideológico. (more…)
Wyndham Lewis in 1917
151 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
1,542 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
635 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. (more…)
1,299 words
Translated by G. A. Malvicini
A frequently discussed issue among Right-wing circles is the new generation and its relations with the previous one; “revolutionary” youth in relation to the men and ideas of the Fascist period. Some, in this regard, believe that the same phenomenon is met with here that can be observed more generally: the new generation no longer understands the generation that preceded it, the accelerated pace of events having interposed between the one and the other a mental distance much larger than that which in other times normally would have separated them. (more…)
2,124 words
Because the definition of fascism is so fleeting and the word itself so abused, academics who are at least a little bit serious about understanding fascism have attempted to make a fascist checklist. The most memorable points are also the most superficial. Fascists share the Myth of a Golden Age, the promise of palingenisis, militaristic symbolism and rhetoric, etc.. However, beneath the surface there is a paradox in fascism that has escaped the bourgeois and Marxist academics: Fascism is the greatest force for reconciliation between the various strands of any society. (more…)
William Butler Yeats, 1865-1939
164 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
1,707 words
Nigel Rodgers
The Complete Illustrated Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece
Lorenz Books, 2014
“Western civilization” is certainly not fashionable in mainstream academia these days. Nonetheless, the ancient Greek and Roman heritage remains quietly revered in the more thoughtful and earnest circles. Quite simply, virtually all of our social and political organization, to the extent these are thought out, ultimately go back to Greek forms, (more…)
Giacomo Balla, Balbo and the Italian Transatlantic Flyers (Celestial Metallic Airplane), 1931
1,560 words
Audio version: To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save target or link as.”
Spanish translation here
What is the relevance of what I call the Old Right — German National Socialism, Italian Fascism, and related interwar national-populist movements — to White Nationalism today? The question would not even arise, of course, if there were no connection at all. (more…)
188 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. (more…)
11,587 words
French translation here; Czech translation here
1. I am Jack’s Most Devoted Space Monkey
I have hesitated to write an essay on Fight Club
4,490 words
Conservatism’s League of Stupidity
The egalitarian Left isn’t just evil — it’s boring. Unfortunately, the conservative “Right” doesn’t have anything better to offer. (more…)
2,070 words
One of the intellectual developments responsible for transforming numerous Italian Leftists into Fascists was the notion of a nation-based proletariat. Realizing that a political consciousness based on class alone was a failing strategy for national rejuvenation, the men who would set the ideological groundwork for Fascism began to understand that more was needed to unite those nations oppressed by the global power hierarchy. (more…)
2,640 words
There seems to be a bit of confusion lately over White nationalism, on Twitter and elsewhere. All too often, I see the same misconceptions parroted and read the same questions or critiques over and over again, with only a hundred or so characters to try to respond with. It gets tiring tbh, fam. With that in mind, I wanted to create a simple Q&A style reference post about White nationalism as I personally interpret it, (more…)
3,851 words
Part 2 of 2
The Spanish Civil War was a total war, a literal battle of good against evil, as the Republican forces, Social Democrats, Communists, and anarchists, burnt churches and killed priests and nuns[1] in a blood frenzy that brought hell to Spain. They were opposed by the core of the old military led by General Francisco Franco, joined by the militias of the monarchist Carlist movement and the Falangists. (more…)
4,614 words
Part 1 of 2
For one (whose Absence fills the land entire
With one mad love to emulate his fire)
At the same moment, to the firing squad
Spurning his body, launched his soul to God
Whose epic line (no flourish of the pen)
Was life and rapture, and whose words were men (more…)
1,369 words
English original here
Nasledujúci text sa venuje zdravotníckej reforme v USA známejšej pod názvom „Obamacare“. Ide o kontroverzne vnímanú zmenu, ktorá polarizuje americkú spoločnosť už od prezidentských volieb v roku 2008. Napriek odlišným pomerom v Spojených štátoch, kde bol systém dlhodobo budovaný na súkromnom zdravotnom poistení, môže byť článok podnetný i pre slovenského čitateľa – (more…)
Antonio Salazar
1,523 words
Editor’s Note:
The following is the English translation of the great historian of religions Mircea Eliade’s preface to Salazar and the Revolution in Portugal (Salazar și Revoluția în Portugalia [Bucharest: Editura Gorjan, 1942]), a book which has not been translated into English. The title is editorial. (more…)
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Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site:
1,743 words
December 25, Christmas Day, is also the birthday of one of the most exotic and courageous thinkers ever to stride across the American political stage: Lawrence Dennis.
Now, there are three basic facts everyone learns about Mr. Dennis at the outset.
One: he was a leading Right-wing economic and political theorist of the 1930s and ’40s—an American fascist if you will. (more…)
150 words
Those on the Right who believe that modern art is always “decadent” need to come to grips with Italian Futurism. In commemoration of the birthday of Filippo Marinetti, the founder of Italian Futurism and one of the prophets of Fascism, I would like to draw your attention to several writings on this website.
Franz von Stuck, The Wild Hunt, 1899
9,822 words
In the denazification atmosphere following World War II Carl Jung, founder of analytical psychology, found himself accused of having ‘Nazi’ sympathies. While Jung was a man of the ‘Right’[1] his essay explaining Hitlerism as an evocation of Wotan as a repressed archetype of the German collective unconscious put him on the long suspect list of intellectuals who were accused of being apologists for National Socialism.[2] He was fortunate to have been in a neutral nation in the aftermath of World War II.
Wyndham Lewis in 1917
151 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
Enrico Marchiani, Portrait of Gabriele D’Annunzio in Arditi Uniform
6,857 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is the transcript by V. S. of Jonathan Bowden’s New Right lecture in London on January 21, 2012. I want to thank Michèle Renouf for making the recording available.
Gabriele D’Annunzio had basically two careers, one of which was as a writer and literati and the other was as a politician and a national figure. If you look him up on Wikipedia there’s a strange incident which occurred in 1922 (more…)
1,916 words
Translated by G. A. Malvicini
In September 1919, Adolf Hitler joined the tiny “German Workers’ Party” (DAP). In February 1920 — having become the party’s foremost cadre — he relaunches it as the “National Socialist Party of German Workers” (NSDAP). Its program calls for the abolition of the restrictions of the Treaty of Versailles, the unification of all Germans in a single Reich, the stripping of all Jews of their citizenship, the nationalization of large companies, profit sharing, the creation of a “healthy middle class,” etc. (more…)
1,846 words
Translated by G. A. Malvicini
On March 23, 1919, in Milan, Mussolini founded the “Fasci di combattimento” with a program that was both national and social. The first “Fasci” — made up of veterans, ex-socialists and revolutionary syndicalists — evolved slowly towards radical rightist positions until the end of 1920. From then on, tired of two years of socialist violence which had culminated in the occupation of factories, growing masses of the lower-middle and middle classes began to join “Fascism.” (more…)
4,879 words
English original here
Robert Stark: Vítejte! Dnes je mým hostem Greg Johnson a budeme spolu mluvit o myšlence tzv. ekofašismu. (more…)
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While varying degrees of ethno-nationalism, the aesthetics of the 1920s, ’30s, and ’40s, and a sense of humor that is deeply Hyperborean are all commonplace on the alt-right, most of us are not actual fascists in the sense that we adhere to the beliefs and political programs outlined and implemented by leaders like Mussolini or Codreanu almost a century ago. (more…)
Fortunato Depero, Lightning Composer, 1926
9,384 words
English original here
Note de l’auteur:
Le texte suivant est une transcription par V. S. de mon interview par Lana Lokteff sur Radio 3Fourteen on Red Ice Creations, que vous pouvez écouter ici. J’ai ajouté des ponctuations et des sauts de paragraphes pour une meilleure clarté, et j’ai supprimé les bavardages inutiles.
4,239 words
Translated by Guillaume Durocher
Translator’s Note:
The following is taken from Dominique Venner’s Histoire de la Collaboration (Paris: Gérard Watelet/Pygmalion, 2000), 207-16. The title is editorial.
The premonition of decadence was strong with [the writer Alphonse de] Châteaubriant, but never reached the apocalyptic fury of a Céline, (more…)
2,434 words
Marco Pasi
Aleister Crowley and the Temptation of Politics
Translated by Ariel Godwin
Durham, UK: Acumen Publishing, 2013
Well, no sooner had I completed a rather lukewarm review of one book on Aleister Crowley,[1] another, far more simpatico one pops up. (more…)
Colossal Egyptian scarab, reign of Amenhotep III, 18th Dynasty, British Museum
6,597 words
The following text is the transcript by V. S. of Robert Stark’s interview with Greg Johnson about the New Right and the Old Right. This interview first published at the Voice of Reason network on June 22, 2012 but is no longer online there.
Charles Maurras
7,556 words
The following text is the transcript by V. S. of Jonathan Bowden’s last lecture, delivered at The London Forum on March 24, 2012. The original title was “Charles Maurras, Action Franҫaise, and the Cagoule,” but since he does not mention the Cagoule, I dropped it from the online version. I want to thank V. S. for transcribing a largely unlistenable audio track, and Michèle Renouf and Jez Turner for making the recording available.
1,542 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
The draft Statute on Jews of October 3, 1940, apparently toughened by the hand of Marshal Pétain.
1,988 words
Translated by Guillaume Durocher
Translator’s Note:
The following extracts are translated from Dominique Venner’s Histoire de la Collaboration (Paris: Gérard Watelet/Pygmalion, 2000), 118-22. The title is editorial.
Before creating something new, to ensure that the old regime is genuinely laid low, one begins by driving out those who represent a potential counter-revolution, the risk of a lapse backwards. (more…)
635 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. (more…)
2,509 words
Translated by Guillaume Durocher
Translator’s Note:
The following extracts are translated from Dominique Venner’s Histoire de la Collaboration (Paris: Gérard Watelet/Pygmalion, 2000), 103-12. (more…)
3,306 words
Carlos Lozano and Clifford Thurlow
Sex, Surrealism, Dali and Me: The Memoirs of Carlos Lozano
2nd ed.
YellowBay.co.uk, 2011
“In the next century, when children ask ‘Who was Franco? They will answer: he was a dictator in the time of Dalí.” — Don Salvador Dalí
“The only difference between Dalí and a mad man is that Dalí is not mad.” — Don Salvador Dalí (more…)
814 words
Arturo Reque Meruvia “Kemer”: Alegoría de Franco y la Cruzada (1948-1949)
Translated by Guillaume Durocher
Translator’s Note:
This article is drawn from Dominique Venner’s history of the twentieth century, Le Siècle de 1914 (Paris: Pygmalion, 2006), 281–83, under the heading “Le retournement de l’Église.” The title is editorial.
(more…)
1,287 words
Albert Finney portrays Political Machine Boss Leo O’Bannon in the Goebbels Award winning film, Miller’s Crossing (1990)
In recent years, I have encountered a handful of passionate, self-identifying Fascists who have demonstrated that they have absolutely no idea what the term actually means. For some it means a Conan the Barbarian style ethos guiding atomized individuals in a lawless society in which one earns the right to go to the 7-11 by packing a pistol. For another it means a state apparatus which finds inventive ways to apply Biblical punishments to homosexuals. (more…)
45:12 / 7,059 words
English original here
Note du Rédacteur :
Le texte suivant est la transcription par V. S. d’une conversation avec Robert Stark publiée pour la première fois sur le réseau Voice of Reason le 2 avril 2012 mais qui n’est plus en ligne ici. Pour l’écouter sur un lecteur, cliquez ici. Pour télécharger le MP3, faites un clic-droit ici et choisissez « save target as ». Pour souscrire à nos podcasts, cliquez ici. (more…)
2,387 words
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
For My Legionaries
Introduction by Kerry Bolton; Historical Overview by Lucian Tudor; with new appendices and photographs.
London: Black House Publishing, 2015
I’d like to make some comments on Codreanu’s For My Legionaries, now available in a new edition, with added background information and new photos. (more…)
4,640 words
English original here and here
Aleister Crowley (1875–1947), samozwańcza „Wielka Bestia 666” stał się postacią na trwale obecną zarówno w środowiskach okultystycznych jak i we współczesnej kulturze popularnej. Jedni wychwalają go jako filozofa, maga i proroka. Przez innych jest potępiany jako zdeprawowany egomaniak. W większości wypadków postrzega się go przez pryzmat jego ekscentrycznych, nierzadko szokujących zachowań. (more…)
1,350 words
English original here
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
The Prison Notes
With Julius Evola’s writings on The Iron Guard
Trans. anonymous
Logik Forlag, 2015
Este delgado volumen (128 páginas, incluyendo muchas con fascinantes fotografías) es una lectura obligatoria no sólo para admiradores de Corneliu Codreanu, sino también para admiradores de Julius Evola, porque también incluye todos los escritos sobre Codreanu y la Guardia de Hierro. (more…)
4 489 думи
English original here
Легионерската доктрина (наричана също легионерство) обхваща философията и убежденията, изразявани от Легиона на Архангел Михаил (известен също, като Желязната гвардия), румънската християнско-националистическа организация, основана от Корнелиу Зелеа Кодряну, който е ключовата фигура в създаването на нейната доктрина. (more…)
5 830 думи
English original here
Бележка на редактора:
Като възпоменание по повод смъртта на Езра Паунд на 1-ви ноември, 1972 г., ние публикуваме глава 7 от “Artists of the Right: Resisting Decadence“ на Кери Болтън, публикувана от Counter-Currents.
“Роб е този, който чака някой друг да го освободи.”—Езра Паунд[1] (more…)
2,417 words
English original here
З точки зору багатьох своїх шанувальників, найстрашніші речі Г. Ф. Лавкрафт писав не про Ктулху, а про політику. Втім, я б хотів показати, що політичні погляди цього майстра химерного, ірраціонального, метафізичного жаху цілком базуються на реальності та розумі. (more…)
3,545 words
Major General J. F. C. Fuller (1878–1966)
Our modern media like to depict military men as trigger-happy simpletons whose throwback minds are still laboriously progressing from the 18th to the 19th century. Unfortunately, at least within the Western democracies, the rewards and the constraints have been such as to drive creative intellects from the military ranks at Mach 1 speed. Nevertheless, occasional bright intellectual lights have remained in uniform, despite all the obstacles. By far the brightest such light (a veritable supernova) was Major General John Frederick Charles Fuller. (more…)
45:12 / 6,632 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is the transcript by V. S. of a conversation with Robert Stark first published at the Voice of Reason network on April 2, 2012 but no longer online there. To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save target as.” To subscribe to our podcasts, click here. (more…)
Tullio Crali, Before the Parachute Opens, 1939.
2,012 words
I will take a recent episode of a personal nature as a starting point for the clarification of certain ideas. This clarification might be useful to those who, within the Right, are not only concerned with problems related to the more contingent forms of political struggle. The episode is the following. In Rome, an organisation of the MSI [Movimento Sociale Italiano][1] was planning to dedicate a conference to the ideas that I defend. (more…)
Corneliu Codreanu with his wife, Elena Ilinoiu
928 words
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
For My Legionaries
Introduction by Kerry Bolton; Historical Overview by Lucian Tudor; with new appendices and photographs.
London: Black House Publishing, 2015
2,536 words
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
For My Legionaries
Introduction by Kerry Bolton; Historical Overview by Lucian Tudor; with new appendices and photographs.
London: Black House Publishing, 2015
Black House Publishing has been known to me only as the publisher of relatively inexpensive, nicely produced Kindles that bring back into circulation the works of Sir Oswald Mosely and others of his circle;[1] (more…)
1,245 words
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
The Prison Notes
With Julius Evola’s writings on The Iron Guard
Trans. anonymous
Logik Forlag, 2015
This slender volume (128 pages, including many pages of fascinating photographs) is obligatory reading not only for admirers of Corneliu Codreanu, but also for admirers of Julius Evola, for it also includes all of Evola’s writings on Codreanu and the Iron Guard.
2,109 words
The European Union has often been accused of being “fascist” by mainstream nationalists. This accusation, while typically melodramatic, is not absurd insofar as “fascism” is used as shorthand for “undemocratic.” Mainstream EU-philes have long been embarrassed by their regime’s so-called “democratic deficit,” (more…)
160 words
William Butler Yeats, the Irish poet, playwright, and politician, was born on this day in 1865. One of the greatest literary figures of the 20th century, Yeats’ life and work straddle the great divide between Romanticism and Modernism. He received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923.
In life and in art, Yeats rejected modern rationalism, materialism, and egalitarianism. He saw them as coarsening and brutalizing.
2,323 words
English original here
Mis on Põhja-Ameerika uusparempoolsuses „uut“ ja kuidas see suhestub „vana parempoolsusega“?
Enne, kui sellele küsimusele vastata, pean ma selgitama, mis on vanal parempoolsusel ja uusparempoolsusel ühist ning mis eristab neid tänasest võltsparempoolsusest – kaasaegsetest paremtsentristlikest erakondadest ja kõigist klassikalise liberalismi vormidest. (more…)
3,314 words
English original here
„Trzecią teorią polityczną” (w dalszej części artykułu określaną skrótem 3TP) Aleksander Dugin, w swojej „Czwartej Teorii Politycznej” nazywa faszyzm i narodowy socjalizm [1].
Według Dugina, narodowosocjalistyczne Niemcy i faszystowskie Włochy zostały nie tylko militarnie, ale również ideologicznie pokonane w II Europejskiej Wojnie Domowej (1939-45) – stały się ofiarami „morderstwa” lub być może „samobójstwa”. (more…)
2,720 words
English original here
Co jest “nowego” w Północnoamerykańskiej Nowej Prawicy i jak odnosi się ona do “Starej Prawicy”?
Zanim odpowiem na to pytanie, muszę wyjaśnić, co Stara Prawica i Nowa Prawica mają wspólnego oraz co odróżnia je od dzisiejszej fałszywej prawicy, a mianowicie od współczesnych centro-prawicowych partii i wszelkich form klasycznego liberalizmu.
162 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
4,833 words
For José Antonio Primo de Rivera in honor of his birthday, April 24, 1903.
The Falange Española was preceded by several similarly oriented organizations which favored a corporate state, nationalism, and respect for tradition and social justice, while vigorously opposing parliamentarianism, class struggle and the money power. One such group, the Partido Nacionalista Español, was founded in 1930 by a neurologist named José María Albiñana and patterned after the French Camelots du Roi. (more…)
1,800 words
Interviewed by Edoardo Sylos Labini[1]
Translation: Túlio S. Borges de Oliveira
Edoardo Sylos Labini: Tell us about an OFF[2] episode from the beginning of your career?
Giordano Bruno Guerri: One day I published my book on [Giuseppe] Bottai, originally my thesis, through Feltrinelli. (more…)
4,584 words
Part 2 of 2
An Unexpected Party
The Fortean Society was founded on January 26, 1931, with a great fanfare of sounding brasses, tinkling cymbals, after-dinner speeches, and press releases. Thereafter the Society did practically nothing for six years.
T.T. with Pet Python, 1930
Circus Day Was Not Yet Over
2,062 words
Part 1 of 2
An unlikely linchpin of Postwar America’s Far Right was a slick-haired, grinning ad copywriter and ex-actor with the mad moniker of Tiffany Thayer (1902-1959). Thayer earned a handsome pile as scribe of radio jingles (Pall Mall cigarettes) and “meretricious bestsellers” (Time, May 26, 1956)—quite enough for an apartment on swank Sutton Place and a summer house on not-yet-swank Nantucket—but his most enduring legacy was likely his Fortean Society, (more…)
5,464 words
Michael Torigian
Every Factory a Fortress: The French Labor Movement in the Age of Ford and Hitler
Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1999
Michael Torigian’s Every Factory a Fortress: The French Labor Movement in the Age of Ford and Hitler chronicles the rise and decline of the French Labor movement from the years surrounding the First World War to the outbreak of the Second, (more…)
2,047 words
Michael Anissimov
A Critique of Democracy: A Guide for Neoreactionaries
Zenit Books, 2015
Neoreaction is a philosophical movement, which emerged from social media in the past few years, seemingly in response to the hordes of social justice warriors that haunt the realms of message boards, blogs, and Twitter. (more…)
902 words
Every day when I’m out and about, I see dozens of swastikas. That doesn’t mean I am surrounded by Nazis. I’m not. I just live in Tokyo, and the swastika is a common symbol on maps and signs denoting Buddhist temples. (more…)
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Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later. (more…)
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Part 2 of 2
Bill Hopkins
3. “The corrupt vigour of fascism.”
In early 1958, Time magazine ran a humorous squib titled “Sloane Square Stomp.”[9] It told how Colin Wilson (and presumably Bill) had attended a premiere of their friend Stuart Holroyd’s new play at the Royal Court Theatre. Bill and Colin’s onetime friend Christopher Logue stood up in the stalls with Kenneth Tynan, denouncing Holroyd and Wilson as fascists. During the interval, this led to a shoving match in a nearby bar. The whole thing was a tempest in a teapot, (more…)
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English original here
Postmodernioji mintis, kiek ji susideda iš kritikos priežasties universalumui, Apšvietos epochai, progreso sąvokai ir t.t., yra potencialiai naudinga konservatoriams (tiesą sakant, daugelis postmoderniųjų teoretikų stipriai rėmėsi tokiais dešiniaisiais mąstytojais kaip Nyčė ir Heidegeris). (more…)
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Translated by Lucian Tudor
Translator’s Note:
In the present brief article, Alain de Benoist sets forth a basic definition of “Fascism,” challenging by implication the unacceptable generalizations of this term by certain Liberal and Leftist scholars today. Benoist also makes it clear that Fascism is a time-bound phenomenon which arose in very specific circumstances, (more…)
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English original here
El Manual del modo de vivir Tradicional (“A handbook of Traditional living”) es un delgado volumen (justo por debajo de las 100 páginas) conformado por dos ensayos publicados en italiano en los años 1997 y 1998 por la Asociación Cultural Raido. El autor o autores son anónimos. (more…)
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Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site:
Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn
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Two books published in the early 1950s by two European aristocrats merit careful study by every contemporary European conservative since they express the authentic reactions of authentic noblemen to the revolutionary changes that Europe has for long suffered under the yoke of democracy and totalitarianism. These are Erik, Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn’s Liberty or Equality: The Challenge of Our Time
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Editor’s Note:
Lawrence Dennis (December 25, 1893–August 20, 1977) was one of America’s most original Right-wing critics of liberalism, capitalism, imperialism, and the Cold War. Interestingly enough, he was part black, a fact that was known to his many Right-wing admirers. In commemoration of Dennis’ birthday, and as a Christmas gift to our readers, we are reprinting Keith Stimely’s excellent introduction to his life and ideas. (more…)
Prampolini’s portrait of Filippo Marinetti, 1876-1944
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Those on the Right who believe that modern art is always “decadent” need to come to grips with Italian Futurism. In commemoration of the birthday of Filippo Marinetti, the founder of Italian Futurism and one of the prophets of Fascism, I would like to draw your attention to several writings on this website.
First, there is Marinetti’s “Futurist Manifesto” of 1909.
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Editor’s Note:
This is the transcript by Lee and Donna Hancock of Part 2 of Greg Johnson’s interview of Mark Dyal, which you can listen to here. Please post any corrections below as comments.
GJ: So Mark, you did your doctoral dissertation on the Ultras. Can you tell me a bit about the basic thesis of the dissertation and the things that you’ve studied, the things that you discovered? (more…)
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Editor’s Note:
This is the transcript by L. and D.H. of Part 1 of Greg Johnson’s interview of Mark Dyal, which you can listen to here. Please post any corrections below as comments.
GJ: I’m Greg Johnson. This is Counter-Currents Radio and our guest today is Dr. Mark Dyal. Mark Dyal has a PhD in anthropology and he has written several articles for Counter-Currents/North American New Right. (more…)
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“I like killing guys when I’m wearing a tux. Makes me feel like James Bond.” — Brock Samson, The Venture Bros.
Joel: You can bet that anybody seriously interested in world domination is going to end up looking like a real snickerdoodle. (more…)
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English original here
Kerry Bolton
The Banking Swindle: Money Creation and the State
[L’arnaque du système bancaire : la création d’argent et l’Etat]
London: Black House Publishing, 2013
Le livre de Kerry Bolton, The Banking Swindle, est une excellente introduction à la vision économique de la vraie Droite, qui s’oppose aux forces de l’usure. (more…)
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Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
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French translation here
Stephen Mitford Goodson
A History of Central Banking and the Enslavement of Mankind
London: Black House Publishing, 2014
Stephen Mitford Goodson
Inside the South African Reserve Bank: Its Origins and Secrets Exposed
London: Black House Publishing, 2014
Fortunato Depero, Lightning Composer, 1926
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French translation here, German translation here
Author’s Note:
The following text is a transcript by V. S. of my interview with Lana Lokteff on Radio 3Fourteen on Red Ice Creations, which you can listen to here. I have punctuated and introduced paragraph breaks for maximum clarity and removed excessive wordiness.
Lana Lokteff: Hello, ladies and gentlemen. My guest today, Greg Johnson, is the Editor-in-Chief of Counter-Currents Publishing and its journal and webzine, North American New Right. Greg, thanks for being here.
Greg Johnson: Thanks for having me on.
LL: Well, I regularly check in on and greatly enjoy your website Counter-Currents, and I am curious about your conversion into nationalism, so tell us how it happened for you.
GJ: Well, I went through a process, a long process — mostly based upon reading and observing things around me — from being a libertarian when I was an undergraduate student to becoming more conservative by the end of my undergraduate years. Then, when I went into graduate school, I was a conservative. I read a lot of neoconservative stuff. The New Criterion was one publication that I subscribed to. I subscribed to Commentary primarily because I liked the higher intellectual quality of the neocon writing. In terms of policies, I was more paleocon, I guess, but I liked the neocon writing. Never could stand National Review. Couldn’t even look at it. It was such an ugly magazine. Stupid, too.
When I was in graduate school, I started realizing that, first of all, we’re not just universal human beings, that we have specific ethnic identities. Of course, the liberal project and the libertarian project is premised on the idea that there’s just this universal humanity. We’re these universal bearers of rights. We’re basically fungible and interchangeable. Wherever we go, we’re the same. That idea, I think, is fundamentally false. It goes along with the Enlightenment idea that ultimately we can settle everything by appeals to reason, by appeals to nature, whereas in the arena of politics you ultimately end up making an argument from identity.
In political debates you come back to a principle like this: This is just who I am. This is just what I’m comfortable with, and I can’t budge. In other words, politics ultimately boils down to appeals to identity and being true to yourself. And since there are many different identities, many different groups, if you have non-negotiable appeals to identity, you’re going to have conflict.
The idea of the Enlightenment is that we can resolve all conflicts because reason is one, and truth is one, and reality is one. So we can talk it all out and come to a consensus. But if in the realm of practical affairs you ultimately come back to appeals to identity, and identity is plural, that whole conflict resolution model is out the window.
Therefore, we are never going to live in a world where there’s no enmity. The only way we’re going to live in a peaceful world — or maximize the amount of peace in the world — is to allow different peoples with different identities to have their own spaces where they don’t have to argue with others, where they don’t have to convince others, where they can just live according to their identities, according to the way of life that feels natural to them.
This is true of individuals, too. Just have to share a bathroom with somebody, or have to share a bedroom with somebody, and you find that there’s conflict. But that conflict can be easily removed if you just don’t have to share certain spaces.
I think it was Virginia Woolf who talked about how there would be just as many great women writers as men writers if they only had a room of their own to go to.
Nationalism is basically the idea that we should all have a country of our own to go to. A place where we can retreat and be ourselves and not be on trial by the standards of universal reason or by the different standards of our neighbors, but where we can simply relax and be at home and be ourselves.
So, I became a nationalist when I realized that there are certain irreducible differences between people, and that those have to be respected and honored, and that’s the only route to a world that’s going to be as close to utopia as possible, where everybody has a country of his own.
LL: Well said. I read your book, New Right vs. Old Right, which for me was a lot of fun, but for those just hearing about the New Right, what is new about the North American New Right and how does it differ from the Old Right and the European New Right?
GJ: These are good questions. First of all, in the 1970s some French journalists labeled Alain de Benoist as an exponent of something called the “New Right.” He’s never been comfortable with that term. His followers have never been comfortable with that term. They always clear their throats and announce that they’re not comfortable with that term, and that this is a term that other people have placed upon them.
Personally, I’m just going to claim that term. [1] I’m following Jonathan Bowden in this. He claimed the term “New Right.” I think it’s a fine term, because, first of all, it’s meaningful to talk about being Right-wing. What’s essential about the Right is that we believe that human inequality is not always a bad thing. The Left is elitist in practice, but in terms of their principles, in terms of their values, they are anti-elitist. They’re egalitarian. I think that is an essential difference between Left and Right.
In many of my policy views, in many of my lifestyle choices, in the kinds of people I hang out with, in the kinds of coffee houses and neighborhoods I go to, I’m pretty liberal. However, in terms of my basic value orientation I am a Rightist, because I believe that inequality is natural, normal, and not necessarily bad.
Now, what’s the difference between the New Right and the Old Right? I think that, really, you have to talk about the difference between the New Left and the Old Left in order to understand that. The Old Left was totalitarian. It was militant. It was imperialistic. It was certainly genocidal. We’re talking about classical Communism.
After the Second World War, something emerged called the New Left. First it was called Western Marxism, but then the “New Left” was the term that was used beginning in the 1960s. It was an alternative to the totalitarian political model. Basically, it aimed to advance the values of the Left through different means. Instead of battles in the streets or on battlefields in the Old Left style, they took a page from Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Marxist, and talked about attaining hegemony in culture.
Classical Marxism claims that culture is an epiphenomenon of economics and politics. Therefore, to change the culture you change the political and economic sublevel of society. Whereas Gramsci said no, we can actually change politics by changing culture, by changing the way people think and perceive the world.
The New Left has created this strange phenomenon that we have today of a Left-wing capitalist oligarchical society. We have a hyper-oligarchical capitalist society. And yet all of its reigning values are Leftist, because the Left, particularly after the Second World War, put a huge amount of its emphasis on changing culture, changing ideas. And they have achieved a kind of cultural hegemony. [2]
I think that the New Right needs to take a page from the New Left. We need to reconfigure our project so that we’re not imitating Old Right models anymore. A lot of people on the Right today really do have Old Right models. They want to have a uniformed, militant political party that’s centralized, has a leadership principle, and aims to create a totalitarian society.
We need to deconstruct the existing intellectual and cultural hegemony of the Left through intellectual and cultural means. Then we need to construct a new hegemony, a Rightist hegemony that makes the preservation of our race a non-negotiable political principle across the whole political spectrum. That’s the aim, as I conceive of it, of the New Right.
Now, I have to say something: The Old Right was totally legitimate in the tactics that they chose. I can’t endorse everything they did, because you can’t endorse everything that happens in a war. But tactically it was totally legitimate for Hitler and Mussolini to choose paramilitary organizations, centralization, and a militant kind of totalitarian one-party politics. Why? Because that is what they were fighting against.
They were fighting against Communism, and Communism was one of the great dangers that our civilization has faced, the greatest danger since the Muslim invasions and the Mongols and the Huns. Communism is one of the worst things that ever happened in human history. They had to fight it, and they had to fight it using its own means, because liberal democracy was not up to the task. So, that said, I think it was totally legitimate for them to adopt the strategies, the tactics, of their enemies in order to defeat them.
However, the enemy has adopted new strategies and tactics, and we need to be just as supple and flexible. We need to keep our aims the same, and I do think the aims of the New Right are basically the same as the Old Right. We want some kind of organic society that’s ethnically defined. But at the same time we need to change our means of getting there in order to effectively combat the way that we are actually being ruled, which is not through a hard totalitarianism but through a kind of soft, intellectual, totalitarian hegemony that the Left has created in our culture today.
LL: Now, if you boil down the message of the North American New Right, what would it be?
GJ: That’s a good question, and basically what I say we stand for is “truth, justice, and a nice white country.” [3] That’s what we want. The enemy stands for lies and injustice and multiculturalism. They stand for mixing it all up and making a pigsty of every white country that exists.
Political correctness, which is the face of the Left today, boils down to a kind of moralistic drama of lying. Political correctness has two aspects: one, false excuses for privileged groups, and two, false accusations of blame directed at us, at white people. That is lying. That is injustice. We stand for truth and justice.
We’re going to tell the truth about race. We’re going to tell the truth about identity. We’re going to tell the truth about what makes a society work.
Justice for us means treating people appropriately given their nature. It’s just to treat equal people equally. It’s unjust to treat unequal people equally. Since all people are different, our view of justice basically boils down to treating people appropriately, and that is going to create a hierarchical society. Some people are going to have more: They’re going to have more things; they’re going to have more responsibility; they’re going to have more fame and acclaim. Others are going to have less. But we’re going to make sure that different outcomes are proportionate to real differences in their natures. It’s not just based on birth or wealth and things like that.
The third principle, the nice white country, well, that’s the aim. We want to create an ethnostate. We want to create a lot of ethnostates. By ethnostates, I mean, basically, sovereign entities where distinct ethnic groups have their own country. That means Swedes, but it also means the Piedmontese; it means the Sicilians. There are lots of different ethnic groups that don’t have their own countries today. I was a big supporter of Scottish independence, and I’d love to see Wales become independent, too, if they prefer that. Again, I think the best solution for ethnic conflict, and the best way to create conditions of peace and progress, is to create separate homelands for all the different, distinct white ethnic groups.
In the United States, different European ethnic groups have blended into a new people. I hope the United States will break up into regions, probably along existing jurisdictions, along state boundaries, or sub-boundaries within states. So, there might be many different white areas in North America. I think that would be a good thing.
Again, we stand for truth, justice, and a nice white country. Lots of nice white countries. To gain that we believe that we’re going to have to redraw borders, and we’re going to have to move populations around.
I think that one of the worst betrayals of Nick Griffin in the British National Party was to give up the idea of repatriating nonwhites from England. These people have no business being there. Absolutely no business whatsoever. And if it was feasible for these people to be brought there in the millions, it’s feasible for them to leave in the millions. There’s nothing that stands in the way of doing that except the political will and courage to do it, and it could be done in a completely humane fashion. [4] It doesn’t even need to be a giant government program. Most of these people came under their own volition. They can leave under their own volition once we make clear that this is what we want and once we create incentives for that to happen. So, again, a nice white country is going to require changing boundaries, and it’s going to require moving populations
But we think it’s worth it, because ultimately if we don’t have White Nationalism our race is going to become extinct. [5] The white race is on the path to extinction right now. If current trends continue there will be no white people in the world, and the only way to really prevent white extinction is for us to have our own sovereign homelands.
LL: Now, some people will say, “Uh oh, isn’t this Fascism or National Socialism?” so how would you distinguish the difference here?
GJ: First of all, I’m not going to just say, “Oh, no. We’re not like those horrible people!” We are like those people, and I don’t think they’re entirely horrible. I can’t endorse everything they did, of course, but I think Fascism and National Socialism were legitimate responses to their time, and that they also contained within them things of permanent value.
At the core of them is the idea of restoring a kind of organic, hierarchical society in the context of modernity, and I think that is a reasonable goal. There is a critique of capitalism; there’s a critique of liberalism; there’s a critique of internationalism and globalization. All of those things are completely valid, and I want to maintain those. I want to maintain their concern with race; the German National Socialists, specifically, were very concerned with that. The Italians sort of lagged behind. I want to preserve their absolutely important concern with identifying the Jewish question, the Jewish problem. That has to be kept fully in mind. So, there’s a lot about these people that I agree with and I want to preserve.
What’s the difference? Well, like I said, I think at the time when they were fighting against totalitarian, imperialist, and genocidal Communism they adopted appropriate counter-measures. They took a gun to a gun fight. Today, we are ruled not by hard totalitarian Leftism. We’re ruled by a kind of soft totalitarian cultural and intellectual hegemony, and instead of taking a gun to a battle of ideas we need to take ideas to a battle of ideas. So, that’s really the difference.
What is the outcome as I view it? My view is this: We live in a society where we have tremendous choices, and people feel quite free. The average person feels free. You and I don’t feel free because we see the strings, right? The average person feels quite free. They have all kinds of trivial options to choose from in toothpaste, in politics, and so forth.
At the core of the Left is the organized Jewish community. When I talk about Left-wing domination, I really am talking about Jewish domination, Jewish hegemony. They’re the key, the core to the Left, and they always have been. What we have in America today is a range of political options, but every one of those political options is carefully vetted so that it’s safe for Jews, and it’s conducive to Jewish interests.
Now, I don’t see any reason to change the basic system of having lots of choices. I just want to make sure that once the New Right attains power, all the political choices that people have available to them are safe for whites. White genocide, white extinction, white degradation are going to be off the table and no longer options for anybody up and down the political spectrum. You simply won’t be able to choose that, just like you can’t choose anything that endangers Jewish interests today. I think that whites in white countries should be as sacrosanct as Jews are today. That’s basically the end point.
So, what would it look like? Well, it would look a lot like today if I had my druthers. There’d be lots of choices. There’d be pluralism in politics. But behind the scenes, there would be a consensus that vets every political candidate, that would be working to create a culture that would be conducive to white interests.
There would be lots of differences. Whites would still be arguing about abortion and taxes and feminism and so forth. But it would just be an argument within the family. We would have family differences, and there would be no option of bringing in outsiders as allies to gain advantages over members of our own extended family. So, that’s the end game as I conceive of it.
Not such a scary prospect, because liberals today consent to live under that system. It’s just that it’s a system rigged to destroy them and their values and all the rest of us. I just want to get rid of that rigging, so to speak. I want to get rid of the anti-white bias and the pro-Jewish bias and switch the system around so it preserves and enhances our interests.
LL: Yeah, you talk about why you think it’s important for White Nationalists to adopt an elitist strategy and you also talk about directing the message to the educated, the professional classes and above, to mold the masses. Can you talk about that?
GJ: First of all, I don’t want to carry around the banner of elitism primarily. I think that is something of a mistake. It’s necessary. You have to say it in some contexts. But we’re never going to have a political movement that is potent if we go around saying, “We’re elitists! Vote for us! Vote for the few!” It’s never going to happen, because most people are going to look at that and they’re going to say, “What’s in your elitism for me?”
My attitude about elitism is that it is an inevitable consequence of justice. And there’s something in justice for everybody. So, this is why I say “truth, justice, and a nice white country.” Justice is something that everybody wants. Unless you’re bad, and then you don’t want to get what you deserve, right? But most people want to be treated justly.
But, as William Blake says, “One law for the ox and the lion is injustice.” So, we need laws that treat equal people equally and unequal people unequally. Aristotle called this proportional equality. The idea is that people should be unequal proportionate to their real worth. That’s the model that we want, and that means that there will be people who have more responsibility, more fame, etc. based on their worth. I think that’s important to bear in mind. What we stand for is justice, but justice will lead to hierarchy in society, and we want to make sure that is a just hierarchy, rather than the unjust kind of hierarchies that exist today. Even though we have a society that’s constantly paying lip service to equality, it’s a very stratified and very unjust society.
So, where does elitism come in in terms of our strategy? Well, we have to recognize that for the most part history is made by minorities. Most people don’t have the time or the understanding or the education to have an impact on society. Most people are just dragged along by the few, by the elites. That’s always been the case. The best sort of situation for a people is to have an elite that is organically connected to them and that looks out for their interests.
I wrote a piece for Counter-Currents called “Notes on Populism, Elitism, and Democracy.” [6] What I make clear in there is that I’m a populist in the sense that I believe the only legitimate political system looks out for the interests of all the people. However, I also argue that the political system that best looks out for the interests of all people is going to be one where leadership is on average better than the masses.
Most people understand that instinctively. We want our leaders to be better than us on average, just as we want our doctors to know more about medicine than we do, and our dentists to know more about teeth than we do, and the guy who sets up our new TV to know more about TVs than we do. We recognize that expertise gives authority, and we want that in politics as in every other area of life.
Yet at the same time we want these experts to be responsive to the interests of the whole. So, that’s my idea. I think we have to be populist in the sense that we look out for the interests of everybody, elitist in the sense that we recognize that the best way to do that is to have people who are on average smarter and more public-spirited in positions of authority.
To get that, we need to create that elite. Our race is leaderless. There’s nobody looking out for the interests of white people. The people who run our societies are looking out for the interests of Jews. They’re looking out for the interests of themselves. They’re looking out for the interests of the rich. Nobody’s looking out for the interests of whites. If we are going to have a society where white interests are sacrosanct we are going to need a leadership caste that looks out for white interests. And the only way to get that is to start appealing to people today who are better than average in terms of intelligence, morality, public-spiritedness, taste, and so forth, to try to create the leadership caste that we are going to need down the road.
My approach is basically to search all existing social classes, all existing white constituencies. I’m spreading a very broad net. I want to find the best white people for the cause, and I want to persuade the best white people of my vision of things and to get them writing, thinking, organizing, and becoming that organically connected elite that will provide the leadership caste for our race. Because eventually we are going to have to take control politically of our own destiny again, and to do that we must have the leadership. That’s my goal. That’s why I have an elitist focus.
By an elitist focus I do not mean that I am just appealing to the educated. I’m trying to appeal to the best people in all political classes, in all social classes, in all levels of education. There are lots of really bright people who’ve never been to college, and in fact some of the brightest people I know are largely self-educated. So, I’m not a snob in the social class sense of the term, although I do recognize that people with better educations and more money do have more power in society. But I am a snob in the sense that I want to find the best people no matter where they are in the current social system, and I want to bring them into my vision of things, because I do think we need a leadership caste that will actually take the interests of our race into account.
LL: Now, you also write about the need to focus on metapolitics and you compare it to occult warfare and the points you talk about are (1) propaganda and (2) community organizing. [7] Can you talk about this?
GJ: Metapolitics is just a term that refers to the things that have to be established for there to be political change. Basically I break metapolitics down into two categories. One is the battle of ideas, propaganda basically, and two is community organizing.
There are certain ideas that need to be established in people’s minds if we’re going to live in a White Nationalist society. We have to get people concerned with the danger to our race. We have to awaken people to the fact that there are bigger problems than abortion and school prayer and what’s going on in the Middle East. Namely, our race is becoming extinct. It’s that dire, and we need to be as worried about white extinction as some people are worried about Bengal tigers and snail darters and rare frogs that are going extinct as well. We’re going to be extinct. And when the white race goes extinct, all those other species are going to go extinct too, because we’re the only ones who really care about preserving them. So, we need to awaken people to the danger.
We need to awaken people to their identity. We need to get white people to think of themselves as white people, and to think of themselves as white people unapologetically. So, there’s a moral element to this, too. We have to teach people that it’s not only normal to belong to a group, but it’s also right to take your group’s side in conflicts. White people have had that notion bred out of them, and we need to start taking our own side, because we do live in a world of ethnic conflicts.
We also need to have ideas about what’s feasible. Nobody’s going to accept the idea of the white ethnostate if they think that it’s simply impossible to create. So we have to convince people that it is possible.
These are metapolitical ideas that need to be argued out and established, and they need to be propagated to all white groups, and we need to have ways of propagating these things and making them appealing to every white constituency, every white age group, every white ethnic group, every white nation, and so forth. That’s the intellectual aspect of metapolitics.
LL: And that’s why political diversity among pro-whites can also be a good thing, right?
GJ: Whites are a diverse group, and pro-whites are going to need to be able to speak to all different groups. So the more diversity among pro-whites, the more ways that we have of matching up with the existing diversity of white groups, so it helps us. We should embrace that. That’s a strength. It really is a strength.
Now, the community organizing aspect of metapolitics is basically the idea that it’s got to be more than just ideas. We need existing communities among white people. I’m not talking about political parties. That’s politics proper. I’m talking about metapolitics. I’m just talking about real world networks, families, extended families, tribes, mutual aid networks, businesses, and things like that. We have to think in terms of taking it off the internet, geographically localizing, and building real communities. So, that’s the second part of metapolitics.
My focus is on those two things. Mostly on the battle of ideas, because I’m just one guy out here on the internet, so that’s primarily what I can do. However, one of the things that I try to do in the community organizing field is to bring together people I know of who are in the same area but who might not know one another, and get them to meet one another, and try to foster face-to-face interactions amongst our readers.
Counter-Currents is a node. I have all this information going out, and I have all these people checking in. When people check in they say, “Hey, I like your work. Here’s a donation. Here’s a book order.” I look at the address, and I say, “Wait a second here. I know another guy in the same little town in Florida that you’re in right now. Do you want to meet?” and they say, “Yeah, sure!” So, I put these people in touch, and suddenly two very lonely dissidents have somebody that they can meet for coffee.
LL: Yeah, that’s great.
GJ: It’s a small beginning, but, you know, the longest journey begins with a single step. Also, I go around and make occasional talks. I meet people in the real world. I used to have dinners, and at these dinners I discovered that there were a couple of people in the same town, but they didn’t know each other in the real world, so I made sure that everybody in the room raised their hands and said what town they’re from. I said, “Hey! You two are from Petaluma! You better get together after the talk and exchange cards.” So, I’ve done that kind of stuff. I’d like to do more of it, but, you know, there are only so many hours in the day.
So, those are two areas that I am focused on, and I’m hoping that if the metapolitical foundations are strong, then somebody’s going to come along with the right combination of political skills and charisma, at the right time politically, and suddenly it’s going to be possible for a really effective political movement to just gel. But until those metapolitical foundations are in place, there’s going to be a lot of headwind against it. It’s going to be very thin and AstroTurfy. There’s going to be no grassroots basis for it, because there’s no real grassroots white community, no conscious white community. Most of our people are unconscious, and we have to change that.
LL: Well, some people claim that the genocide of Europeans is something we did to ourselves, and I know you strongly oppose this. So, to what extent is white dispossession our fault? [8]
GJ: Well, once we are fully aware of the problem and we choose to do nothing, I think then we become part of the problem. However, most people are not responsible for what’s happened to them. Again, politics is something that is created by elites, and it’s done to most people. White dispossession is being done to white people, and I strongly oppose this rather grandiose idea that, “We’re doing it to ourselves! Our race is committing suicide!” It’s not true. Our race is not committing suicide. Some people are doing this to the rest of us.
Who are those people? Well, they’re disproportionately Jews. They’re not even whites. So, it’s my view that it’s closer to the truth to say whites are being murdered, and the people who are putting in place the trends that are leading to white dispossession and white extinction are disproportionately Jewish, and that Jews are not only disproportionately responsible for setting up this system, they are the main impediment to changing it. And I think that’s an important distinction.
A lot of whites will get sidetracked, basically, arguing about what percentage of our problems are caused by Jews as opposed to Christianity or capitalism or whatever. It’s an argument about whether we’re doing it to ourselves or whether it’s being done to us. Arguing that point can be sterile. We can do that forever.
Ultimately though, we are not a debating society. We’re not here to establish merely historical points. We’re here to change the future. And when you talk about changing the future, when you talk about changing the existing trends that are destroying our race, ask yourself, “Who’s standing in the way?” It’s the organized Jewish community. They are the linchpin of resistance to every sensible policy to halt white extinction, white dispossession. So, when you start thinking politically and you start thinking about who winds up against us, it’s the Jews.
They’re not the sole group. They’re very small in number. They’re very powerful, and they have power because they’re good at making coalitions. So, the Jews are the core of this minority/disgruntled coalition, which of course is the majority of humanity when you start incorporating all nonwhites into it. But within white societies they organize nonwhite minorities, they organize gays and lesbians, they organize environmentalists. Anybody on the Left, they try to organize and make part of their coalition in order to project power.
Yet, at the same time, when you look at which policies dominate, it’s the Jewish agenda of white race replacement that always dominates. So, for instance, feminists always fall silent when anybody brings up the problem of rape. Because when you look at rape in Scandinavia it’s not Scandinavian men who are raping women at levels that you find in a war zone, it’s nonwhite immigrants. And yet, where are the feminists opposing this? There are no candlelight marches against Islamization. They are silent, because the feminist agenda is always trumped by the Jewish anti-white race replacement agenda.
We need to break up the coalition of the Left by making clear that these non-Jewish groups on the Left, that are part of the Leftist coalition, will never get their way whenever their values conflict with white race replacement. It’s true of gays and lesbians. It’s true of feminists. It’s true of environmentalists. All these groups routinely get steamrolled whenever there’s a chance to bring in more diversity.
LL: Well, on that note, is Judeo-Christianity compatible with White Nationalism?
GJ: Well, when you put the “Judeo-” in there it sort of prejudices me.
LL: Yeah, because I know there are a lot of nationalists . . . You know, the Christian versus pagan argument.
GJ: I think that’s an important discussion to have. I think that the value system of Christianity is incompatible with White Nationalism. I think that if you look at the suicidal values, if you will, that a lot of whites do have programmed into them, they are justified in terms of Christian doctrine, Christian attitudes, and we’d be better off weaning these people away from these attitudes. When you start talking about the necessity of taking our own side in ethnic conflicts, the first thing a lot of people will say is, “Well, that goes against my Christian values. Turning the other cheek and things like that.” It’s a problem. It’s definitely a problem. So, I think we need to have a mature discussion of this within our ranks.
I’m not a Christian. I’ve never been a Christian in the sense that I believed in the Christian value system, and I think that it’s a weakness in our race. It’s one of the weaknesses that has allowed Jews so much power over us. Because of course if you believe the New Testament then the Jews have a particularly important place in the history of mankind, specifically the sacred history of mankind, and that has given them a great deal of power over us for one thing.
So, my tendency is to think that Christianity is one of the weaknesses in our society, and I think that as whites become less influenced by Christianity, maybe that is going to open up the possibility of being less sheep-like and weak in the face of our impending genocide. That’s my hope.
LL: Well, another weakness we have and you talk about it in a chapter called “The Perils of Positive Thinking.” [9] Ultimately, you say, it cannot save our people. Can you talk about this?
GJ: “The Perils of Positive Thinking” piece relates to the “blame ourselves” meme. I definitely think that people who want to keep it all positive and people who want to not go populist and not talk about reasons for white people to feel resentment and anger are on the wrong track. Our race is being destroyed. We have every reason to be righteously resentful and angry about that. The people who say, “Keep it positive!” are sort of delusional. It’s like sticking daisies in the rifles of soldiers. It’s not a very effective counter-measure. Talk about taking a knife to a gunfight, how about taking a daisy to a gunfight? It’s sort of a hippy-dippy non-starter.
I think that being negative and being depressed is a bad thing. I am a fundamentally optimistic person in terms of the struggle. But I think that the people who say we’ve got to keep it all positive are wrong. We need to fully embrace and understand the horror that’s being committed against us, and we need to fully mobilize the righteous indignation that white dispossession and white extinction should be causing.
LL: Yep. Would you say that we’re still in the early stages of formulating the foundations for a white republic?
GJ: Yes and no. I think the basic ideas are there. I don’t think that we need to worry too much about what legal system we’ll have and will there be two houses of parliament or one or anything like that. All of that stuff has been done, basically. Whites have come up with brilliant systems of government for thousands of years. It’s in our genes. We’ve got that handled. As soon as white people put our minds to it and get serious about it, the political stuff will simply take care of itself.
What we’re in the early stage of is convincing people of the necessity of doing that. So, drawing blueprints and designing flags and uniforms is all premature. All that will take care of itself, and a lot of that stuff has been taken care of by the rich political tradition that whites already have. The United States constitution, you could spruce that up a little bit and it would be just fine. I honestly think so.
But we’re just at the beginning stages of getting people to realize the necessity of reorienting politics away from the center-Left vs. center-Right bickering about things that don’t really matter, towards preserving our race. Once people get their minds wrapped around the danger and the necessity of moving towards a white republic, politics will take care of itself. But we’re just at the beginning of that journey.
LL: What could you say to willing, intelligent folks who are passionate about this cause, but don’t know what they can do?
GJ: It depends on where they are in their lives, what they have going for them, if they’re just starting out, if they’re well established, if they have a lot of independence, or if they’re very dependent on others for their livelihood. So, there are a lot of different options. I guess the first thing I would say to anybody is just get educated about these things and get passionate about them. Second, take stock of your life and determine what you’re willing to give up, what you’re willing to spend, and therefore what you can do within those parameters.
I think it’s very important for you to meet other people in your area who share these views, but you’ve got to be really careful because, you know, some of the best people I know are White Nationalists, and some of the worst people I’ve ever encountered are White Nationalists. You’ve got to be a little careful about who you meet. Don’t invite people to your house that you’ve never met before. That can be a very big mistake. People on the Left are very careful about that. They always pick neutral places to meet people. They don’t invite somebody they’ve never met to their houses. So, we need to be smart about things like that.
So, get educated and start making connections with like-minded people in your area. Those are the first things that you could do. After that, the direction you go depends on where you are in your life, what your resources are, etc. If you’re retired, if you’re quite comfortable, you might consider becoming a more open advocate. If you’re just a college student starting out in life, you don’t want to go through life with a big cloud of controversy over your head, you might want to think about being a secret agent rather than a public standard bearer.
The point that I try to make in New Right vs. Old Right and my other writings is that we must be willing to accept a whole range of different white options. We have to allow every white person who’s racially conscious to determine his or her own level of explicitness and involvement. We’re not going to be chewing them out and saying, “You coward!” I don’t know why certain people make the decisions they make. Especially people I’ve never met. I’m not going to question their decisions. I will try to persuade everybody to expand their comfort zones. I’m constantly trying to persuade people to do more. But I respect people who keep it on the down low, so to speak, who want to be secret agents.
We need people like that, because if every person who believes what we believe suddenly decided on National Coming Out as a White Nationalist Day to out themselves, well, the system would have them in its beams, and a lot of these people would be scarred and jobless and friendless and be harmed by it. And that would only make the system stronger and the movement weaker. I don’t want that to happen.
LL: Stay in the nationalist closet!
GJ: Some people need to. And we need to respect those decisions. Other people who can afford to be out there, they should be out there. I want there to be more explicit White Nationalists. I want there to be people in every community who are known as White Nationalists.
I talked to Robert Taylor of the band Changes recently. He talked about his own activism. He said one of the most important things for any activist to do is sell yourself as a person before you can sell your message, your program. I think that’s a very important thing for people to contemplate, because if you’re living in a community and you’re not very well known in that community and suddenly you become an explicit White Nationalist, you’re going to become the local crank. Because a lot of people are not going to know who you are. They’re only going to know you as somebody who has aberrant, radical political views. That’s probably not a good way of going about it. You’re not going to do much for the cause, and you’re not going to do much for yourself. You’re eventually going to get alienated and burned out, and we don’t want that. We want for people to stick with this in the long haul.
So, what do you do if you want to become the local White Nationalist? Well, first of all, it’s important for people to know who you are without the politics, before the politics. It’s important to be a good dad and a good Little League coach, a member of various community groups, the guy who’s involved with the art show. Anything that makes you a public, known figure and sells you as an individual.
If you are a well-established member of a community, if people like you for who you are, if people know that you are responsible, public-spirited, altruistic, and trustworthy, then, when it comes out that you have some kind of aberrant political views, it’s not going to hurt you as much. In fact, by being a stand-up guy and a member of the community it’s actually going to positively advertise those views.
So, make yourself as good a person as possible, as an individual and as a member of the community. Be as well-liked and likeable as possible. Be involved. If it’s animal rights or organizing a farmers’ market or whatever, be involved. Sell yourself as an individual. Be a person who’s trusted. And when your ideas come out, or when you decide to talk about your ideas, you’re going to have some authority. That’s going to cushion the blow. You might find yourself in a very strong position to actually change people’s minds. Sell yourself before you sell your ideas. Establish yourself before you start establishing your ideas. I think that’s very wise advice.
LL: Yeah, it reminds me of Kai Murros. He’s right. I hate to say it, but in today’s world you have to be well-packaged and also sell the idea culturally. Nationalism has to look cool. People have to want to be a part of it. Unfortunately, that’s how it is.
GJ: That’s true. And isn’t it always better to be cool anyway? Jonathan Bowden talks about that too.
Part of the appeal of our ideas is that they are a little out there. Our ideal advocates are respectable and well-established in their communities. But they’ve got something a little extra, even something a little dangerous about them. That’s also very appealing.
You don’t want to be totally out there. You don’t want to be some guy with long stringy hair and a sandwich board standing in the park baying about the end of the world. That just makes you the local crank. But if you’re totally indistinguishable from any other milquetoast Rotarian, that’s not a good thing either. So, you’ve got to be the well-respected local guy with a quality of idealism, a visionary quality that sets you apart and attracts others to you. That’s a hard balance to strike, but it is ideal.
LL: Well, I really see the new counter-cultures coming out, and it’s young nationalists I see. You know, good-looking, well-dressed. They’re fun; they’re trendsetters; they have an edge. I think we’re going to see a lot of that coming out probably even in the next ten years.
GJ: I totally agree. I think the trend that I’ve seen since I’ve gotten involved with this . . . I’ve been really involved with this since 2000. The trend has been that every year it seems the average age of people involved is younger, the average education level is a little higher, the sex ratio is a little more balanced. When I got started I was frequently the youngest person in a room of grey-headed men. Now, it’s a room with 30% women or 40% women in some groups and the average age of people is under forty.
That’s a huge change, and that’s a change that really makes me hopeful, because you need to be able to look and see the future of our cause. When the cause is over sixty on average, it doesn’t have much future, but younger people have more future in them. So, when I see younger people who are really together involved in this, it’s just encouraging. It’s a concrete proof that our race has a little bit more of a future than it did just a few years ago.
We strive to represent the interests of all white people. Whites as a race do not have a future right now. And we have to bear in mind — the back of our minds, perhaps — that not all whites will have a future. We can’t save everyone. We might be becoming a new race, the whites who have a future.
That’s what I see when I go to these gatherings now. When I went to the London Forum meeting back in September it was a very impressive group of people. I really felt these are white people with a future. It might not be the whole race, but there is a group of whites forming now that do have a future, and that’s very encouraging.
LL: As we end the hour, please share any closing remarks for us.
GJ: Please visit Counter-Currents. I’m prejudiced, but I think it’s the best English language, Right-wing, New Right webzine out there.
LL: I would agree.
GJ: We try to publish new material every weekday. A number of days we have multiple new things on the website. It’s a growing community. It’s a growing movement. It’s getting younger and smarter and cooler and more effective. Every day I get up I feel new concrete reasons to be hopeful for the future. So, I really want to thank you for all the work you’re doing at Red Ice Radio. I think you’re part of this rising tide, and I really appreciate the chance to be on your show.
LL: Thank you so much.
Notes
[1] Greg Johnson, “New Right vs. Old Right,” New Right vs. Old Right (San Francisco: Counter-Currents, 2013).
[2] Greg Johnson, “Hegemony,” New Right vs. Old Right.
[3] Greg Johnson, “Introduction: Truth, Justice, and a Nice White Country,” Truth, Justice, & a Nice White Country.
[4] Greg Johnson, “Restoring White Homelands,” The White Nationalist Manifesto.
[5] Greg Johnson, “White Extinction,” The White Nationalist Manifesto.
[6] Greg Johnson, “Notes on Populism, Elitism, and Democracy,” New Right vs. Old Right.
[7] Greg Johnson, “Metapolitics and Occult Warfare,” New Right vs. Old Right.
[8] Greg Johnson, “Our Fault?,” New Right vs. Old Right.
[9] Greg Johnson, “The Perils of Positive Thinking,” New Right vs. Old Right.
3,397 words
French translation here
Kerry Bolton
The Banking Swindle: Money Creation and the State
London: Black House Publishing, 2013
Kerry Bolton’s The Banking Swindle is a great introduction to the economics of the true Right, which aligns itself against the forces of usury. The topic of economics is quite neglected in the discourse of the modern Right, especially in the Anglosphere. (more…)
3,405 words
English original here
Qu’y a-t-il de « nouveau » dans la Nouvelle Droite Nord Américaine, et quelle relation a-t-elle avec la « Vieille Droite » ?
Avant de pouvoir répondre à cela, je dois clarifier ce que la Vieille Droite et la Nouvelle Droite ont en commun et ce qui les différencie de la fausse droite d’aujourd’hui : à savoir les partis de centre-droit d’aujourd’hui et toutes les formes de libéralisme classique. (more…)
4,745 words
English original here
Allocution prononcée lors de la Quatrième Rencontre Internationale évolienne, Sao Paulo, Brésil, 10 septembre 2014.
Francis Fukuyuma, l’intellectuel nippo-américain porte-parole du mouvement néoconservateur judéo-américain, proclama en 1992 dans son livre The End of History and the Last Man [La Fin de l’Histoire et le Dernier Homme] (more…)
10,311 words
Julius Evola, La Genitrice
Editor’s Note:
This text is the transcript by V. S. of Jonathan Bowden’s lecture on Evola delivered to the 27th meeting of the New Right in London on June 5, 2010. As usual, I have deleted a few false starts and introduced punctuation and paragraph breaks for maximum clarity. You can listen to it at YouTube here. Three passages are marked unintelligible. If you can make out the words, please post a comment below or contact me at [email protected]. (more…)
1,645 words
Robert Casillo
The Genealogy of Demons: Anti-Semitism, Fascism, and the Myths of Ezra Pound
Evanston, Ill: Northwestern University Press, 1988.
Robert Casillo’s The Genealogy of Demons is unique in Pound studies because the explicit purpose of it is to give critical insight into Pound’s anti-Semitism, and it accomplishes this by way of multiple techniques, which it must employ, because Pound’s anti-Semitism is prismatic. (more…)
2,091 words
English original here
Alexander Dugin
The Fourth Political Theory
London: Arktos, 2012
Arktos recientemente publicó lo que podemos espera sea una de las primeras de muchas más traducciones al inglés de los trabajos de Alexander Dugin. (more…)
4,285 words
English original here
“Marcharemos para luchar por la Santa Rusia /
Y derramaremos nuestra sangre como un solo hombre por ella”
— Canción del Ejército Blanco.
La “Tercera Teoría Política” (3ªTP) es lo que Alexander Dugin, en “The Fourth Political Theory” (2012), llama Fascismo y Nacionalsocialismo [1].
1,542 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
635 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. (more…)
539 words
Translated by G. A. Malvicini
The American historian George Mosse has pin-pointed the specious nature of the theory of totalitarianism: it “looks upon the world exclusively from a liberal point of view.” In other words, totalitarianism is a concept elaborated by liberal thought in order to present itself in a favorable light, contrasting itself to its various enemies, all of which are confused together in a single, unholy category, according to the binary opposition of “us and them.”
1,897 words
The Weighing of the Heart from the Egyptian Book of the Dead, Papyrus of Ani, British Museum
Lithuanian translation here
Postmodern thought, insofar as it consists in the critique of the universality of reason, the Enlightenment, the notion of progress, and so forth, is potentially useful to conservatives (in fact, many postmodern theorists draw heavily from thinkers of the right like Nietzsche and Heidegger). (more…)
Francis Fukuyama
4,547 words
French translation here
Lecture delivered at the IV Encontro Internacional Evoliano, Sao Paulo, Brazil, September 10, 2014.
Francis Fukuyuma, the Japanese-American intellectual spokesman for the Jewish American Neoconservative movement, proclaimed in his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man that liberal democracy was the final socio-political form since earlier alternatives such as Fascism and Communism had proven to be ideological failures, and liberty and equality had now been established as universal norms. (more…)
8,340 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is a transcript by F.F. of Jonathan Bowden’s lecture to the 35th New Right Meeting in London on Saturday October 15, 2011. In editing this transcription, I introduced punctuation and paragraph breaks. I also deleted a couple of false starts, added the first names of some figures, and added a missing line to “Easter, 1916.” (more…)
8,814 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is a transcript by D.B. of Jonathan Bowden’s lecture to the 33rd New Right meeting in London on June 11, 2011. In editing this transcription, I introduced punctuation and paragraph breaks. I also deleted a couple of false starts, added the first names of some figures, and included full correct versions of the poems read. You can view the lecture at YouTube here. (more…)
3,373 words
Part 3 of 3
Editor’s Note:
Leo Strauss
In the previous installment of this series, I examined Leo Strauss’s argument that the roots of what he called “German nihilism” — including National Socialism — were not nihilistic. Instead, it is rooted in a moral critique of the modern world. In this installment, I examine his argument that these non-nihilistic motives gave rise to nihilism because of certain contingent historical circumstances. (more…)
9,093 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is a transcript by V. S. of Jonathan Bowden’s lecture on Wyndham Lewis which was delivered to the 8th New Right meeting in London on May 28, 2006. There are a number of passages marked unintelligible. These passages appear in the recording at 4:00, 34:21, 40:12, 41:52, and 46:28. (You can listen to the lecture using the player below or by downloading the lecture.) If you can understand these words, please post a comment below.
The rarely-photographed Harald Keith Thompson, Jr. in 1954
10,255 words
Editor’s Note:
The following interview with H. Keith Thompson is based upon a typewritten transcription of the the original taped interview. Unless otherwise noted, additions in square brackets are in the typescript as well. There are also a number of hand-written corrections and additions on the typescript. Since the typescript was seen by Thompson, I am assuming that either he made these corrections himself or at least approved of them, so I have incorporated them where legible. For more on Thompson’s life and work, see Kerry Bolton’s excellent essay “H. Keith Thompson, Jr.“
6,724 words
English original here
Wyndham Lewis, 1882 – 1957
Corrigé 22 novembre 2011
Note du Rédacteur:
Cette version très enrichie d’un essai précédemment publié sur Wyndham Lewis est le chapitre 8 du livre de Kerry Bolton, Artists of the Right: Resisting Decadence, [Artistes de la Droite : Résister à la Décadence] qui devrait être publié prochainement par Counter-Currents.
King Felipe VI and Queen Letizia of Spain
2,180 words
Felipe VI reigns in Spain – but the only question is what will go first, the Spanish monarchy or Spain itself?
Felipe VI succeeded his father, King Juan Carlos I, who, as the English language media gleefully pointed out, was the successor of “dictator” Francisco Franco. (more…)
151 words
Louis-Ferdinand Céline was the pen name of French novelist, essayist, and physician Louis-Ferdinand-Auguste Destouches, who was born on this day in 1894. Céline is one of the giants of 20th-century literature. And, like Ezra Pound and so many other great writers of the last century, he was an open and unapologetic racial nationalist. For more on Céline, see the following works on this website: (more…)
2,358 words
English original here
Para muitos de seus admiradores, as coisas mais assustadoras que H.P. Lovecraft escreveu não eram sobre Cthulhu, eram sobre política. Mas, como eu espero demonstrar, a política desse mestre do horror metafísico, irracional, iminente está solidamente fundada na realidade e na razão. (more…)
Ivo Pannaggi, Speeding Train (Treno in corsa), 1922.
3,864 words
English original here
“Nós não somos apenas mais revolucionários que vocês, estamos além de sua revolução” – F. T. Marinetti
“Vocês tem que saber que o sangue não possui valor ou esplendor a não ser que tenha sido liberado da prisão das artérias pelo ferro ou fogo” – F. T. Marinetti (more…)
Ivo Pannaggi, “Speeding Train” (Treno in corsa), 1922.
4,542 words
Portuguese translation here
“We are not only more revolutionary than you, but we are beyond your revolution.” – F. T. Marinetti[1]
“You must know that blood has no value or splendor unless it has been freed from the prison of the arteries by iron or fire.” – F. T. Marinetti[2] (more…)
96 words
Today is the birthday of Gabriele D’Annunzio, novelist, poet, playwright, aesthete, dandy, playboy, war hero, and the first fascist dictator, who from 1919 to 1920 ruled over the Adriatic city-state of Fiume, establishing many of the political and aesthetic forms followed by Mussolini a few years later. (more…)
1,404 words
Aristokratia II
Edited by K. Deva
Manticore Press
322 pages
Available for purchase from Amazon here
Readers of Aristokratia I that were eagerly awaiting more — and who wouldn’t? — will be pleased that this esoteric but accessible project is continuing, with the latest results appearing in a new volume, Aristokratia II. (more…)
59:26 / 53 words
Audio Version: To listen in a player, click here. To download the mp3, right-click here and choose “save target or link as.”
To subscribe to our podcasts, click here.
This lecture by Jonathan Bowden on Ezra Pound was given at the 33rd meeting of the London New Right on June 11, 2011. The introduction is by Adrian Davies.
Ioannis Metaxas, 1871–1941
4,825 words
Preamble
“Rest assured . . . that after . . . years of suffering we have sufficient moral strength left to find an honourable exit from life.”[1]
It is in these very words that the soul of Corneliu Codreanu and his followers was expressed. Needless to say that Capitanul has been the noblest figure among the Far Right leaders in Europe during the interwar period. (more…)
Pierre Drieu la Rochelle
105 words
Pierre Drieu La Rochelle was born on this day in 1893. In commemoration, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this site:
7,927 words
Editor’s Note:
The following text is a transcript by V. S. of Tomislav Sunić’s interview with Jonathan Bowden. Click here to listen to the audio. A couple of words have been marked as unintelligible. If you can make them out, please post a comment below.
Tom Sunić: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen! Good afternoon, dear friends! (more…)
135 words
Wyndham Lewis was born on this day in 1882. A first-rate novelist, critic, and painter, he was a leading English exponent of fascist modernism. In honor of his birth, I wish to draw your attention to the following works on this website:
Ezra Pound by Wyndham Lewis
7,181 words
In memory of AURELIO BAISI
Translated by John Drummond
Editor’s Note:
The following text is surely the most compelling and clear of Ezra Pound’s economic writings. I want to thank Kerry Bolton for making a copy available for scanning. “Gombeen man” is Irish slang for a money-lender but it also refers to unethical businessmen in general. (more…)
2,483 words
April 1935, anno XIII, finally a foreword
The body of this ms. was written and left my hands in February 1933. 40 publishers have refused it. No typescript of mine has been read by so many people or brought me a more interesting correspondence. It is here printed verbatim, unaltered. I had not seen the ms. from the time it left Rapallo till it returned here with the galley proof. It is printed as record of what I saw in February 1933. The September preface (1933) indicated a flutter of hope, that has grown steadily more fluttery and less hopeful. (more…)
Ezra Pound painted by Wyndham Lewis
4,543 words
Part 4 of 5
XXIII
Resistance
JEFFERSON writing to Adams (or vice versa) noted that before their time hardly anyone had bothered to think about political organization or the organization of government. (more…)
760 words
Editor’s Note:
Hugh Selwyn Mauberley (1920) is a long, quasi-autobiographical poem consisting of 18 parts. The first part is reprinted below with some annotations. Written in the aftermath of the First World War, it is one of Pound’s most accessible and compelling creations, evoking the anguish of the war and the disillusionment that followed– (more…)
5,927 words
Part 2 of 5
VII
TAKING it by and large the Russian revolution seems to me fairly simple by comparison. If I am wrong it is probably because I haven’t been ten years in Russia.
At any rate, as I see it, the Russian revolution is the end of the Marxian cycle, (more…)
5,927 words
Part 1 of 5
Editor’s Note:
The end of October is one of my favorite times of the year, and not just because Halloween falls on the 31st. On the 30th, we celebrate the birthday of Ezra Pound, poet and prophet of a just social and economic system, and on November 1st, we commemorate his death. (more…)
Trans. with Introduction by E. Christian Kopff
London: Arktos Media, 2013
126 pages
Read F. Roger Devlin’s review here
In this book, Julius Evola analyses the Fascist movement of Italy, which he himself had experienced first-hand, often as a vocal critic, throughout its entire history from 1922 until 1945. (more…)
1,388 words
Editor’s Note:
Apropos of the current consternation about “Obamacare,” we offer this reprint of an earlier article for discussion.
Most productive Americans hate the idea of socialized medicine since they think that they will pay more into it than they will get out of it, and they are right. Americans who take care of their health— (more…)
1,230 words
Czech version here
Translated by Greg Johnson
Part 3 of 3
Editor’s Note:
“The Fascist Dream” is the third and final part of Maurice Bardèche’s Qu’est-ce que le fascisme? (What is Fascism?) (Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1961).
The purpose of the fascist state is to shape men according to a particular model. Unlike democratic states, fascist states do not hesitate to teach morals. (more…)
1,260 words
Czech version here
Translated by Greg Johnson
Part 2 of 3
Editor’s Note:
“The Fascist Dream” is the third and final part of Maurice Bardèche’s Qu’est-ce que le fascisme? (What is Fascism?) (Paris: Les Sept Couleurs, 1961).
Fascism opposes another image of man to the democratic one, (more…)
1,542 words
Roy Campbell was a South African poet and essayist. T. S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Edith Sitwell praised Campbell as one of the best poets of the inter-war period. Unfortunately, his conservatism, Nietzscheanism, and Catholicism, as well as his open contempt for the Bloomsbury set and his participation in the Spanish Civil War on the Fascist side have led his works to be consigned to the memory hole. (more…)
635 words
Today is the birthday of Maurice Bardèche (1907–1998), the French Neo-Fascist writer. Bardèche was a prolific and highly versatile author of literary, film, and art criticism, history, journalism, and social and political theory. (more…)
652 words
English version here
Jsem fašistický spisovatel. Měli byste mi za toto přiznání poděkovat, poněvadž tím byl vyjasněn alespoň jeden problém v tomto jinak choulostivém tématu.
A vskutku, nikdo si nepřipouští, že je fašista. Sovětské Rusko, které žije pod vládou jedné strany a policejního státu, to není fašistická země – ve skutečnosti se jeví přesně naopak. Maďarská vláda, která posílá stávkující před stanné soudy a tanky proti dělníkům, to není fašistická vláda. Prostě jen brání moc lidu. (more…)
6,048 words
The car is leading us outside the suburbs of the city, on a long, wretched, provincial street, under a grey and rainy sky. It suddenly turns left, enters a countryside path, stops in front of a small villa with sharp outlines, the ‘Green House,’ (more…)
4,633 words
English original here and here
Μετάφραση: Lohengrin
Ο Romano Vulpitta (γεννηθείς το 1939) είναι Ιταλός πρώην διπλωμάτης και μελετητής ενός Ιαπωνικής λογοτεχνίας. Γεννήθηκε στην Ρώμη και απεφοίτησε από την Νομική Σχολή του Πανεπιστημίου ενός Ρώμης. Εισήχθη στο Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών ενός Ιταλίας το 1964. Υπήρξε καθηγητής Σύγχρονης Ιαπωνικής Λογοτεχνίας στην Νάπολη από το 1972 έως το 1975. (more…)
