The Slave Who Loves His Colorblind ChainsMorris van de Camp
Sergeant John Mattingly, LMPD
12 Seconds in the Dark: A Police Officer’s Firsthand Account of the Breonna Taylor Raid
Nashville, Tenn.: DW Books, 2022
In the early morning hours of March 13, 2020, the Kentucky’s Louisville Metro Police Department (LMPD) conducted a raid on the apartment of a sub-Saharan named Kenneth Walker. Walker was a suspected drug dealer and was involved in an African-style coupling with a sub-Saharan female named Breonna Taylor. The police thought Walker was selling fentanyl and other drugs, and was conspiring with Taylor to have drugs shipped to her house through the postal service. When the police raided the house, Walker shot Sergeant Mattingly in the thigh, the police returned fire, and Taylor was killed.
The gun battle took place for approximately twelve seconds in the confines of a small apartment. The ripples of those gunshots went out across the nation and continued to make an impact in the following years.
The Taylor killing was sandwiched between the killings of Ahmaud Arbery, a low-level sub-Saharan thief who was slain by a local white citizen attempting a citizen’s arrest, and George Floyd, a career criminal who died of a fentanyl overdose while being constrained by police. Taylor’s shooting spiraled into violent local protests and the persecution of those officers involved in the raid. The mainstream media and the Biden campaign then fanned the flames of officially-approved sub-Saharan grievance and anger.
The incident involving Taylor took place in an election year. This is important because the Democratic Party is beholden to the votes of sub-Saharans, and sub-Saharans have come to believe that the police are involved in a race war against them. These two issues are important factors in who the Democratic Party selects as its nominee for President, who must then win in the South Carolina primary — where the only Democratic votes come from sub-Saharans. Consequently, the mainstream media-supported and Democratic-aligned elements in the local, state, and national governments turned against the police who were carrying out such actions on the orders of the Mayor and under a legal warrant.
Sergeant Mattingly was a more than 20-year veteran of the LMPD at the time of the raid. He gives a solid overview of his career in the book, describing his love of police work and his satisfaction in helping victims of crime and arresting the perpetrators. His account is colorblind, so he uses terms like “the community,” which is often a euphemism for describing the sub-Saharan community in a ghetto. He also uses the common euphemism about a young sub-Saharan male who was “about to turn his life around” before he was killed or ends up killing someone else, either through malice or negligence.
Mattingly describes his point of view on the raid and corrects some misconceptions. One of the charges against the police from “the community” — in this case, sub-Saharan activists seeking to protect their race’s criminals — is that the raid was conducted with a “no-knock” warrant, meaning that the police could enter the premises without first identifying themselves, in the dead of night. He provides a photo of the whiteboard plan for the raid which shows that the warrant was of the knock-first kind. Although his team was made up of plainclothes detectives, they were wearing raid jackets at the time of entry and identified themselves as police. The officers knocked loudly and identified themselves several times, then entered after three strikes from a battering ram. Mattingly was shot immediately thereafter.
Initially, Mattingly was treated with considerable compassion by the local establishment, but as sub-Saharan anger grew, the Mayor’s office and the police high brass distanced themselves from those who had conducted the raid. Mattingly and his family were doxed and stalked by Black Lives Matter activists. An angry mob even paraded outside of a house that he had recently sold, frightening its new occupants. Eventually, Mattingly was forced into hiding at a relation’s house under police protection. Cars with tinted windows — usually indicating that its owner is a sub-Saharan — would drive by his house in a slow, menacing way, but his protection detail didn’t follow up even when provided with license plate numbers and descriptions of their occupants.
Those involved in the raid were then placed under indictment, and their case was brought before a grand jury. During the lead-up to the grand jury’s decision, Mattingly fired off an angry e-mail to the entire LMPD, decrying the BLM protestors’ behavior, the department’s political and police leadership, and criminals in general. The e-mail was soon made public and he was criticized for using the term “thugs.” This was interpreted as him referring to the BLM protestors “thugs,” in violation of American’s sacred right to peaceably assemble to redress grievances. Some BLM protests in 2020 were indeed peaceful, but many were not.
The grand jury came back with a “no true bill,” meaning they didn’t think a crime had been committed. The BLM and antifa activists increased the nastiness and violence of their protests, all while receiving positive mainstream media coverage. All the while, criminals who had been arrested in the meantime were released faster than the police could fill out the paperwork. Many of the released criminals went on to commit more crimes.
Sergeant Mattingly went on a mainstream media program to get his side of the story out, but the three-hour interview was selectively edited down to five minutes, and those few minutes were selected to make Mattingly appear tone-deaf and callous. It would have been better if he had said nothing at all to either the media or the force. To put it simply, there are no national police organizations getting their message out as it should be. As a result, sub-Saharans sympathetic to crime are able to turn any incident into a tale of police brutality, because it is their view which always predominates.
Mattingly concludes his book with a declaration of colorblindness and Christian love for all of mankind. His book is a quick read. He unwittingly uncovers several structural issues that turned a drug dealer into a hero and the police into criminals.
First, the opioid crisis is only one front in the war against whites and the Great Replacement. Mattingly describes how his department had caught a Middle Eastern person who had been selling fentanyl and then sending the profits to jihadists.
It also turns out that the anti-police policies which led to his railroading in 2020 had started as early as 2015. It wasn’t just the policies which had changed, but old leaders were leaving and new, soft-on-crime ones were hired to replace them. Federal law enforcement, especially the FBI, is useless when combating criminal threats by sub-Saharan activists against white police because it has become so politicized that genuine threats are officially termed “unreliable,” ending any protection for the victims. At the federal level, law-abiding American whites are considered suspect while genuinely dangerous sub-Saharans are protected.
The ideas about police reform that are currently in vogue have all been tried before, and those reforms end up being abandoned as crime increases. A good example of this was the Rodney King beating. The Los Angeles police developed an effective choke hold prior to the incident, but sub-Saharan activists effected a change in policy, causing the department to changed their procedures so that batons were used on individuals resisting arrest. But after King’s videotaped beating and the associated rioting afterwards, police instead started putting a knee on resistors’ backs — and we know where that led. The cycle of reform, increase of crime, and new procedures continues.
Sergeant Mattingly is essentially a slave to the colorblind ideology and the system which so damaged him, his family, his fellow police, and his community. It would have been better for him to be frank about that in the book. Crime in America is largely the work of sub-Saharans. They are emboldened by a political system that tolerates their misbehavior at the highest levels. Indeed, the Democratic Party has come to exploit sub-Saharan violence for its benefit.
Furthermore, Mattingly’s colleagues have been indicted by federal prosecutors for violating Taylor’s “civil rights.” They are victims of the 1964 Civil Rights, Act which is an illicit second constitution that makes every white American a criminal and serves as a legal shield for what has become an occupation government unjustly ruling the United States.
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As the details of the night Taylor was killed began to trickle out – that her boyfriend was firing at the cops and she was shot when they returned fire – one thing became clear, to me at least; He was using her as a human sheild. The fact that he was unscathed makes it even more obvious. Quite a man.
And he tried to pin his shooting on HER. He said she did it when they had him in cuffs, thinking at the time he was in big trouble. Turns out he wasn’t prosecuted at all for trying to kill cops. His blaming his lovely lady is on video. Meghan Kelly had it on her show.
The US War on Crime, quite obviously, is over. Someone needs to notify the troops.
Really, the 2014 Ferguson Riots should have been a warning. The fact that agitators were able to spark widescale arson, looting and assaults without much in the way of government response showed the change in policy. The various BLM/antifa insurrections since then have been part of an escalating pattern. Compare the government raising of the white flag in the streets of America in 2020 to the decisive law enforcement response in the 1992 Rodney King Riot.
Fun fact: many of the actors who are today supporting BLM/criminal justice “reform” were banging the drum for the War on Crime way back in the 20th century and early 2000s. The Clinton administration pushed mass incarceration, while a certain Senator Biden was a mastermind behind the War on Drugs. Look at the sponsors of the 2002 RAVE Act.
Why the switcheroo? Did the “War on Crime” run out of steam and the string pullers decide to change the script to “War on Police?”
It could be argued that the BLM strategy is a domestic version of a Color Revolution. Same regime players: neo-liberal politicos issuing pithy sound bites; transnational NGOs handing out wads of cash; street fighters appearing out of back alleys; mainstream media providing the cheerleading section; footprints of three letter agencies out to preserve their turf by stirring up the chaos d’jour.
It’s the old squeeze play. The elites use the underclass of criminals, homeless drug addicts, illegal aliens and larping “anarchists” as muscle against the middle. Demoralize and disrupt local law enforcement so federal law enforcement and their contractor intelligence companies can fill the void. Might also consider how the 87,000 newly minted IRS agents fit into the bigger picture.
As for the “Sub-Saharans:” it’s a reversion to the African mean. The driveby shootings, flash mob attacks, looting of businesses and general mayhem are all within the realm of tribal raiding. The Sub-Saharans are staking out territory in the urban landscape as so many warlord bands.
Let us note that in Africa itself, such criminal behaviors not infrequently lead to vigilante response, with necklacings to discourage the malefactors. Here in the Homeland, while the gun lobby talks tough about the armed citizen there is a curious detachment when it comes to actually supporting such militias. Was Kyle Rittenhouse on the cover of any 2nd Amendment magazines?
Which gets back to our local police.
Local cops are a front in the struggle against the regime’s ongoing Color Revolution. Officers need to be encouraged to stay on the front lines. If their department does not back them up, transfer to one which will. There also may be elements at the federal level which are opposed to the regime. Divisions in the regime’s camp need to be exploited.
Critical: the point needs to be made that if the Blue expects to be Backed, then the Blue has to be willing to make a stand against politicos who are giving them stand down orders. We see some elements of this with various sheriffs supporting 2nd Amendment Sanctuaries.
The popular reaction against the FBI raid on Donald Trump shows it ain’t over yet.
We are headed into the next inning of a very long game…
The US has become a sub-Saharan-supremacist entity. That’s why Whites everywhere, but especially in the US itself, should cheer its coming downfall. Any White man who is loyal to a sub-Saharan-supremacist entity is despicable.
So should we kowtow to the Mongoloid-supremaist entity. Would that make you happy, “Ray”?
Excellent work, Morris van de Camp! Far too many White Americans are completely ignorant of what really happened in each of the three incidents you reference above (Fentanyl Floyd, Breonna, and Armed Robbery – Arbery) having gained all their information, as well as their opinions, on biased mainstream media mis-coverage.
One often feels like the little boy in the parable of “The Emperor’s New Clothes”; any truth teller is the lone person shouting the obvious to the crowd, “The Emperor has no clothes!” Except in the year 2022 version, the crowd turns on the boy and stones him to death.
People are concerned about the (black) crime wave
Arrest criminals (mostly black people, frankly).
Black people mad.
Black people resist arrest and a few get shot accidentally.
The media portrays it an epidemic.
Burn, loot, murder, riot..
Stop arresting black people.
Black crime wave
I’m old enough to have seen this cycle 2x now. We’re back at #1, but there may not be enough critical mass (e.g. white people who care more about crime than being called racist) to get the flywheel going again. It’s all so tiresome.
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