The ancestral continent of all White people, Europe, can still be roughly divided in two according to the results of World War II. The East, which remained under Communist occupation for half a century, is still different in many aspects from the West. Most importantly, this difference is manifested in values and philosophical outlooks on the world. As compared to the West, Eastern Europe looks like more of a nationalist stronghold with each passing year.
Nationalism in Soviet-occupied countries survived the Communist period and was even able to be the main catalyst for the fall of Communism. It survived because the Communists relied on hard power in order to extinguish dissent. Unlike the West, where the soft power of liberalism has effectively made nationalism a pariah in the political scene, Communist propaganda, being merely a cover for a violent regime of terror, was never truly taken seriously.
World War II, however, resulted in seriously limiting the political choices of individual Western nations. As any nationalist geopolitical bloc was seemingly impossible, the people desiring freedom from Communism were left with but one option: dreamily looking up to whatever liberalism had to offer. They were fooled by the promises of economic prosperity and countless freedoms, rarely noticing that the freedom to remain who you are was not on the table.
From the liberal perspective, the nationalist revolutions in Eastern Europe evoked dangerous ideas, but ultimately led to a desired outcome. For the nationalists, it was different: these national awakenings were the greatest things to have happened for a very long time. But as the memories of the Singing Revolution, the Velvet Revolution, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and other similar events slowly faded into history, the feeling began to take shape that the dangers to the ethnic identities formerly posed by the Soviet Union had not disappeared.
After many of these countries became members of the European Union, an identity crisis followed. What do we strive for now? Is this really what we wanted? The fact that so-called “Western values” were simply incompatible with constitutional ethnostates was confirmed when the liberal agenda of multicultural globalism became part of the day to day life of the Eastern European political scene. How much talk of “shared values” can there really be between a country dedicated to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” and a country with a sacred mission to preserve its “ethnicity, language, and culture throughout the ages”?
This realization brought a specific moment of disappointment, following a peak point of liberalism, in the late 2000s or 2010s for different countries. Disappointed in the West, nationalists realized that their countries had to go through yet another awakening, a final awakening that would bring truly nationalist regimes to power. It had to be, at the same time, a restoration of something old and a foundation of something completely new, that would be able to last in the 21st century. A nationalist movement with similar perspectives emerged in almost all of these countries.
With nationalism increasingly taking hold in the public mindset of Eastern European countries, their ruling classes have been left with two options. The great immigration crisis of 2015 brought a moment of reckoning. In some countries of the East, the rulers have wisely steered toward nationalism. In others, they still cling to pro-Western liberalism but are unable to contain the growing unrest, and as a result, they will be replaced with nationalist regimes sooner or later.
For example, in Hungary, where the nationalist Jobbik party is the second largest political party, the ruling Fidesz party has begun to adopt most of their nationalist platform, ranging from opposing the centralization of the European Union to famously stopping the migrant wave on the country’s borders in 2015, explicitly doing so to protect Western civilization. In Poland, the Law and Justice party, allied in the European Parliament with the British Conservatives whom one can hardly call nationalist, has implemented strong nationalist policies clearly inspired by Hungary, even though Polish nationalist parties are relatively small and scattered.
This Right-wing drift does not affect only nominally Right-wing parties. The Social Democrats who rule Slovakia have similarly adapted a nationalist immigration policy and as a result, joined the struggle against the globalist agenda of Brussels. In addition, Slovakia has two strong nationalist parties, effectively paving the way towards a nationalist hegemony: no matter who you vote for on the political spectrum, your national interests will be secure. This will most likely be the future of all Eastern European countries, as ever more politicians realize that heralding anti-White multiculturalism is akin to political suicide.
Even in countries such as Estonia or Romania, where the old-fashioned political class is still resisting the seeds of nationalism and attempting to build a cordon sanitaire around nationalist parties, they are unable to limit the growth of nationalism by all practical means. Every attack seems to only make the nationalists stronger. The rulers have to start making concessions in order to preserve their grip over a nationalist society, or be overthrown.
One concession would be lifting the cordon sanitaire and allowing nationalist parties to enter the government while keeping the majority liberal. This has happened in Latvia and Finland. But this concession has meant that nationalist ideas have been allowed to enter mainstream discussion. They can no longer be disregarded as fringe, “extremist” ideas that should be kept under wraps in order to be a good European country. In fact, the liberals who have accepted nationalists as their coalition partners are forced to defend them even in Brussels, because they have made their own power dependent on nationalist support.
This can be partly explained by the fact that being exposed to Communism made the peoples of the Eastern Europe immune to all kinds of Leftist, universalist, anti-national ideas. When a fundamentally similar agenda began flowing in from the West, it sparked a nationalist reaction, a Right-wing drift either with or without the ruling class. Where the ruling class failed to adapt, it only has pushed the nationalists even further to the Right, causing a remarkable difference in the Overton windows of the Western and Eastern Europe. In the East, you simply have to accept at least some amount of nationalism.
So what is Eastern Europe? In short, it is the last refuge of a living European tradition. It is the place where the unbroken, centuries-long line of a healthy national development has been able to survive in the consciousness of the people. If there is a place in Europe where all the golden eras of our civilization still can be felt, even merging with the current technological age and giving ground for a hope that new achievements — new European achievements — can be made, untainted by destructive impulses of Leftist liberalism, it is Eastern Europe, having survived the Communist years and showing promise of surviving even more vicious strains of the same ideology.
The greatest asset of nationalism in Eastern Europe is its people’s extant connection with their soil. While in the West, large scale urbanization — which simply means the globalization of the homeland — has cut many people off from a personal, private relationship with their homeland. This creates the perfect foundation for a multiculturalism of rootless individuals from every corner of the globe. But this process has been much slower and less catastrophic in Eastern Europe. In the cultural, economic, and psychological sphere, Eastern Europe keeps celebrating the local.
Accordingly, nationalists in Eastern Europe usually place a great emphasis on the preservation and expansion of local economies as opposed to globalization, traditional villages as opposed to urban conglomerates, natural wilderness as opposed to industrial landscapes. The failure of the West to preserve this traditional environment, which frankly is a precondition for the continuation of a nation and its culture, is seen as both a cause and a consequence of the triumph of liberalism, that has led to whole nations being cut off from their roots.
Nationalists in these countries understand that a nation and its culture are born out of its surroundings. Our landscape and climate have shaped us for generations into what we are. There can be no Estonian culture without the untouched solitude of vast forests, wetlands, and the long Baltic coastline, as there can be no Romanian culture without the purity and magnificence of the Carpathian Mountains. An unbroken link to the ancestors of the living is preserved in nature. Thus, the necessity of its protection amounts to the urgency of securing the survival of the whole nation.
Eastern Europe, therefore, has maintained all the cultural and ecological means for a successful national reawakening at its disposal. It has become something of a vault for the West and all European peoples around the world, taking the deeper components of European culture under its protection and keeping them safe for a future restoration of all European ethnostates while the West temporarily continues its downfall. It is a responsibility that many Eastern European nationalists increasingly realize and accept.
By far the greatest immediate problem for the survival of Europeans in both the East and the West lies in demographics. Almost every White ethnic group in the world has a birth rate below replacement. In the West, the only solution offered by liberal politicians is immigration from non-European countries. Obviously if we are talking about the survival of Europeans, this is no solution at all and indeed worsens the situation. In the East that luckily lacks immigration, the demographic problem is often more visible but not necessarily greater compared to the West.
Low birth rates can be tackled and ultimately reversed by nationalist demographic policies. For example, there are the policies proposed by the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (EKRE) that I helped to draft. First, parents would be rewarded with exemptions from income tax and extra retirement pay, which would increase with every child they raise. Second, if a young family is stuck in debt buying a home, the state would pay off one fourth of their mortgage for each child born. Third, the state must guarantee a place in kindergarten and school for each child, partly covering the educational costs. If young European children start to be valued on the governmental level, the continuation of our people will no longer be under a question mark.
The emergence of the youthful, energetic, and intellectual Alt Right in the West spells hope for the Eastern European nationalists too. It is a great sign that we are not alone protecting the last bastions of Western civilization. While our frontline against non-European invasion and liberal brainwashing runs across the border of Hungary, for us the Alt Right are like guerrillas fighting in enemy-occupied territories. We are fighting for the survival of all Europeans, and no part of the White world can hope to survive on its own.
Thus the crucial connection developing between the Alt Right and nationalists in Eastern Europe has to flow in both directions. The part of Europe where integral nationalism survives can profit from the very existence of the Alt Right. Its experience, insight, and strategies in fighting the destructive globalist ideology will sooner or later prove useful, as all European nationalists are more or less waging the same cultural struggle. In this struggle, the Alt Right has stood up for European nationalism, and European nationalists will have to return the favor.
The fact that similar nationalist ideas are widespread throughout the West and poised to enter mainstream discussion and political power, provides an argument against the pro-Western politicians who argue that nationalism is an impediment to winning favors in the international scene. With nationalism rising all over the globe, their own logic dictates that it is a force to be taken into account. And finally, the Alt Right will be the best ally one can hope for in the coming metapolitical Reconquista, in which Eastern Europe has to show the West the way back to its roots.
In a similar way, European nationalists of the globalist-free countries can help the Alt Right. Our insight into traditionalism and ethnonationalism can prove a valuable asset in the ongoing media war. But we can also build a safe hub for Alt Right ideas to be freely exchanged, polished, and mirrored back to the West. Currently, the Alt Right enjoys positive publicity only in the Western media outlets of the geopolitically anti-Western countries such as Russia and Iran. In Eastern Europe, we look favorably on the Alt Right not because we regard it as a tool to weaken the West, but because we are fighting the same struggle.
European nationalism is built on the ethnonationalist principle of preserving every nation, the multitude of cultures endangered by globalist ideology. Europe already has rich cultural diversity, true diversity that has to be protected. In this sense, Eastern Europe is about to assume the role of a beacon of the light of Western civilization and national freedom, something that America never was. And if all fails and the West falls before the invaders, sparking civil wars in Europe, nationalists from the East are ready to come and help their brothers in the physical struggle.
Ethnonationalism does not mean revisiting the historical conflicts between different European nations. On the contrary, facing a civilizational threat from outside Europe, nationalists can unite under their common European identity and find peaceful ways to solve those conflicts of the past. If there is a place in the world where this is possible, it must be Eastern Europe. There are already signs of relaxation between historical enemies such as Hungarian and Romanian, Polish and Lithuanian nationalists.
While this has not been possible in the Ukrainian conflict, it must be noted that the Ukrainian nationalists are facing another civilizational threat from the East. Russian imperialism — as with all imperialisms — posits an antithesis to the ethnonationalist principle. If the nationalists in the West get similarly stuck in the post-World War II forced (and false) choice between only two geopolitical options, they will sooner or later experience a similar moment of disappointment as the Eastern European nationalists had after the fall of Communism.
In fact, Ukrainian nationalism has been a great energizer for all Eastern European nationalists. Although Ukraine has not yet had a nationalist government, the ongoing conflict and continuing corruption of their rulers is contributing to the steady rise of nationalism within the country. It is encouraged by strong connections between Ukrainian and other Eastern European nationalists, the strongest connections of which come in the form of many volunteers from the Baltic countries, Sweden, Croatia, and other places who have risked their lives for the freedom of a fellow European nation. Among them, even, is a number of true Russian nationalists.
Ethnonationalism emphasizes saving every nation, including those that have no independent countries. Who are the most traditional peoples in the most traditional part of Europe? Perhaps the Finno-Ugric nations who live in Russia, who lack any political power for self-expression but have preserved their connection with the soil to the fullest, often still professing their ancient religion, similar to the ancestors of all Europeans. With them, an invaluable part of European heritage still survives. If they are able to survive in spite of Russian imperialism, they can provide a connection to ancient European roots and therefore to reawakening.
A reawakened Europe must be built in its most fundamental level on nationalism and nothing else. Even in the religious sphere, nationalism implies a most basic form of religion, the cult of ancestors. This has to be a 21st century nationalism, and therefore different from the nationalisms of the previous centuries, but in its basis still the same. The nationalism of the 21st century is exactly what the Alt Right has to offer, with its futuristic occult meme magic, overcoming all liberal predispositions since the French Revolution and even riding the tiger of Europe’s seeming downfall.
In this new Europe, the cultural centers of the West might move East, to Budapest, Warsaw, and Tallinn, rather than New York, Hollywood, or Jerusalem. Mastering its demographic processes rather than leaving them in the hands of liberals, the new Europe will actually be able to economically and culturally compete with the rest of the world. Only then can we realize our destiny, exploring the galaxy and penetrating the secrets of subatomic reality. In the end, a prerequisite for European greatness is the physical and cultural survival of its nations.
Similarly, an affection for the local and care for nature must prevail in the new Europe. With the comforts provided by technological advancement, there is less and less need for urbanization. Accordingly, the Hungarian government’s recent program of building a network of narrow-gauge railways that emphasize life in the countryside — and from which no multinational corporation has anything to gain — is actually one of the most Alt-Right tasks ever developed by a country in the 21st century.
Having survived Communism and showing strong resistance to liberalism, Eastern Europe is the greatest hope for a reawakening in the White world. It needs the Alt Right to uphold the idea of nationalism in the West and can provide it with a safe space more or less free from globalist ideology. What survives in Eastern Europe and has to be resparked in the West is the principle of ethnonationalism: protection of the true diversity of mankind in both the biological and cultural sense. This principle can be used to bring forth a new Europe after the fall of the current liberal system, a new Europe that can last at least as long as the old one did.
1. United States Declaration of Independence.
2. Constitution of Estonia, preamble.
Is It Okay to Be White?: An Interview with Rémi Tremblay
Thomas Rohkrämer’s Martin Heidegger: A Political Biography
Counter-Plugging the Ramadan Riots
Remembering Sam Francis: Sam Francis & the Prospect of Secession
Remembering Sam Francis: Samuel Francis’ Essential Writings on Race