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Print December 28, 2010 4 comments

Why Conservatives Can’t Win

William Pierce

William Pierce

1,621 words

French translation here

Some of my best friends are conservatives. I sincerely like them and I admire them for their genuine virtues: for their sense of propriety and personal integrity in an age of corruption, for their independent spirit and their willingness to stand on their own feet in an increasingly paternalistic society.

Therefore, I hope my conservative friends will forgive me for what I am about to write.

A Tragic Choice

There is not the least doubt in my mind that if I were forced to cast my lot with either conservatism or with the left – old or new – I would choose conservatism.

But fortunately, none of us is faced with such a limited choice. It would surely be tragic if we were. It would be tragic in the great sense, in the Spenglerian sense. We would be making the choice of Spengler’s Roman soldier whose bones were found in front of a door in Pompeii – who, during the eruption of Vesuvius, died at his post because they forgot to relieve him. We would be choosing what is right and honorable and in accord with the traditions of our race – and certain to fail.

For conservatives cannot possibly emerge victorious from the life-or-death struggle in which they are presently engaged. Although their opponents on the radical left may not attain their own goals – indeed, cannot attain them, because they are based on an erroneous conception of man and Nature – conservatives have proved themselves utterly incapable of preventing the destruction of their own world by those same radical leftists.

Revolutionary Advantage

Conservatives cannot win because the enemy to which they are opposed is a revolutionary enemy – an enemy with revolutionary goals and guided by a revolutionary way of life.

The advantage has always lain – and will always lie – on the side of the contender who is prepared to take the offensive, rather than maintaining a defensive position only. And the evolutionary natures of the conservative and the revolutionary determine that the one shall always play an essentially defensive role and the other an offensive role.

Besieged vs. Besieger

The offensive-defensive dichotomy does not apply absolutely to tactics, of course, but it does to strategy. The conservative may launch brief counterattacks – he may sally forth from his fortress to harry his revolutionary besieger – but in the long run he is always the besieged and the revolutionary the besieger.

The goal of the conservative is to protect what is, or, at the extreme, to restore what recently was. The goal of the revolutionary is to radically transform what is, or to do away with it altogether, so that it can be replaced by something entirely different.

Raceless Nirvana

Thus, the conservative talks of halting crime in the streets, of keeping down taxes, of fighting the spread of drugs and pornography, of keeping Big Government in check. And the leftist strives for a utopia in which there shall be no war, no “repression,” no “discrimination,” no “racism,” no bounds on the individual’s freedom of action – a raceless and effortless nirvana of “love” and “equality” and plenty.

Never-Never Land

The conservative’s goals may seem reasonable enough – and attainable. The leftist’s goals, on the other hand, lie in a never-never land far beyond the horizon of reality. And that is precisely what gives the advantage to the left. When the conservative makes some minor gain – getting a conservative into office – he is likely to act as if he had just won the whole war. He sees the achievement of his aims just around the corner, he lowers his guard, and he settles back to enjoy the fruits of his imagined victory. But the leftist is never satisfied, regardless of what concessions are made to his side, for his goals always remain as remote as before.

The conservative works in fits and spurts. He reacts with alarm to new depredations from the left, but is satisfied if he is able to fall back, regroup his wagons, and establish a new line of defense. The leftist keeps on pushing, probing, advancing, taking a step back now and then, but only to be able to take three steps forward later.

Defeat by Halves

If the leftist makes new demands – for example, for the forced racial integration of schools or housing – the conservative will oppose them with a plea to maintain “neighborhood” schools and “freedom of association.” When the smoke clears, the leftist will have won perhaps half what he demanded, and the conservative will have lost half what he tried to preserve.

But then the conservative will accept the new status quo, as if things had always been that way, and prepare to defend it against fresh attacks from the left with the same ineptitude he displayed in defending the old position.

Evil Ideology

This continually shifting position is almost as great a disadvantage to the conservative as is his chronic inability to grasp the initiative. The revolutionary left has an ideology, evil and unnatural though it may be, and from this ideology come the unity and the continuity of purpose which are indispensable prerequisites for victory.

What can conservatives, on the other hand, look to as a fighting credo, an immutable principle for which they are willing to sacrifice all? They have been retreating so rapidly for the last 50 years or so that they have completely lost sight of the earlier ground on which they stood. It has simply receded over the ideological horizon.

“Racists” Are Radicals

Consider race, for example. Over half a century ago men like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard were spokesmen for the conservative position on race. They argued eloquently, albeit defensively, for the preservation of the West’s racial identity by maintaining strict barriers against miscegenation, adopting sound immigration controls, and applying eugenic standards to the problem of population quality. Today no “responsible” conservative would be caught with the books of either of these men in his living-room bookcase, for by present conservative standards they are both “racists” – hence, “radicals,” rather than safely respectable conservatives.

Free-Enterprise Pitfall

How about rescuing the free-enterprise system from the evil machinations of Big Government?

As a matter of fact, the free-enterprise system was still relatively intact during the period when alien forces subverted our governments and took over our countries, and it cannot be said that free enterprise slowed them down even one little bit. The people who gained control of our biggest newspapers and our motion-picture industry and our radio and TV networks did so with the aid of free enterprise, rather than in spite of it.

More than Economics

These comments should not be considered a condemnation of free-enterprise per se, nor a belittling of the importance of economic problems in general; more than one nation has gone to ruin through economic mismanagement. The point is that our problems today go far deeper than any governmental or economic reforms can hope to cure or even substantially ameliorate.

The youth of America are smart enough to recognize these things for themselves, and, consequently, are not to be blamed for having few tears to shed for the demise of either our institutions of government or laissez-faire capitalism.

The left can find plenty of misguided young fanatics willing to set themselves afire or blow up a police station in order to further the cause of “equality” or “peace” but the idea of young men and women assembling bombs in candle-lit cellars to put an end to the progressive income tax or social security deductions is simply ridiculous.

Until conservatives can offer something more inspiring, the youth will not rally to their standard.

Conservatism’s two principle failings, lack of a spirit of aggressive activism and lack of any clearly defined ideological basis, go hand in hand. The one cannot be had without the other.

Ultimate Goals

In the words of an outstanding anti-communist leader: “The lack of a great, creative idea always signifies a limitation of fighting ability. A firm conviction of the right to use each and any weapon is always bound up with a fanatical belief in the necessity of the victory of a revolutionary new order on this earth.”

“A movement which is not fighting for such ultimate goals and ideas will never seize upon the ultimate weapon” … and, needles to say, will never emerge victorious from a struggle with an opponent who is so motivated.

Revolutionary vs. Revolutionary

Though conservatism cannot win against the left, a new revolutionary force, with the spiritual basis that conservatism lacks, and advancing with even more boldness and determination than the forces of the left, can win!

That new revolutionary force is being built now. Its ranks are being filled with disciplined, idealistic young men and women.

They have examined and found wanting both the drugs-and-sex libertinism of the left and the economic libertinism of the right.

A New Order

They are fighting for a new order, based not on the fads and whims of the moment, but on the fundamental values of race and personality – values which once led Western man to the mastery of the earth and which can yet regain that mastery for him and lead him on to the conquest of the universe.

They know that the time is long past when conservative rhetoric or conservative votes might have saved the day. They understand that the West’s salvation must now come from young men and women of revolutionary spirit and outlook who are through talking and instead are willing to do whatever is necessary to take back their nation.

This essay was first published in Attack! issue number 4, in 1971. Online source: http://nationalvanguard.org/2010/09/why-conservatives-cant-win/

 

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Tags

conservatismwhite nationalismWilliam Pierce

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» Why Conservatives STILL Can’t Win

4 comments

  1. NC says:
    December 28, 2010 at 12:58 pm

    This is a classic!

  2. Junghans says:
    December 28, 2010 at 6:21 pm

    Pierce was a very perceptive man, an absolute racial genius, in fact.

  3. None says:
    May 7, 2016 at 4:10 am

    A thoughtful article, but where is this conservative revolution? What he speaks of is merely rhetoric used by conservatives in defense of the status quo. Conservatism is doomed to fail, because it only promises long term benefits, not immediate ones, like the left can. Only the few reactionary conservatives left in America, and their children who follow in their footsteps (fewer, as most become liberals), could ever see this ideology as the end all be all of civilization.

    I recently have broken ties with conservative ideology, though not all its principles: namely, that the left only brings despair and dehumanization while the right brings a few good times doomed to end and never return.

    We are entering the post-conservative era, either find some hole to hide in and hope for the best or adopt their ruthlessness and become a monster like them.

  4. Le Fauconnier says:
    November 11, 2020 at 3:27 am

    I made a french traduction:

    Pourquoi les conservateurs ne peuvent pas l’emporter

    Certains de mes meilleurs amis sont conservateurs. Je les apprécie sincèrement et je les admire pour leurs véritables vertus : pour leur sens de la propriété et de l’intégrité personnelle dans une ère de corruption, pour leur esprit indépendant et leur volonté de se tenir debout sur leurs propres pieds dans une société de plus en plus paternaliste.
    C’est pourquoi j’espère que mes amis conservateurs sauront me pardonner pour ce que je m’apprête à écrire.
    Un choix tragique
    Il n’y a pas le moindre doute dans mon esprit, si l’on me forçait à voter de l’un ou de l’autre côté conservateur américain ou du côté de la gauche – ancienne ou nouvelle – je choisirais le conservatisme.
    Fort heureusement, aucun d’entre nous ne doit faire face à un choix aussi limité. Ce serait tragique au plus haut point, à un point spenglerien. Nous serions amenés à faire les choix du soldat romain de Spengler dont les os furent retrouvés devant une porte de Pompéi – ce soldat qui, pendant l’éruption du Vésuve, mourut à son poste parce qu’on avait oublié de le relever de ses fonctions. Nous choisirions ce qui est juste et honorable en accord avec les traditions de notre race – et nous serions certains de chuter.
    Car les conservateurs ne peuvent décemment pas être victorieux dans le combat de vie ou de mort dans lequel ils sont à présent engagés. Même si leurs opposants de la gauche radicale ne peuvent pas atteindre leurs propres objectifs – oui, ne peuvent pas les atteindre, étant donné qu’ils se basent sur une conception erronée de l’Homme et de la Nature – les conservateurs se sont largement montrés incapables de prévenir la destruction de leur propre monde par ces mêmes gauchistes radicaux.

    Avantage révolutionnaire
    Les conservateurs ne peuvent pas gagner parce que leur ennemi est un ennemi révolutionnaire – un ennemi avec des objectifs révolutionnaires, guidé par une vision de la vie révolutionnaire.
    L’avantage a toujours été – et sera toujours – du côté du concurrent prêt à passer à l’attaque, plutôt que de celui qui se contente de rester uniquement en position défensive. Et la nature élémentaire des conservateurs et des révolutionnaires détermine que l’un jouera toujours un rôle essentiellement défensif, là où l’autre jouera un rôle offensif.

    Assiégés contre assiégeants
    Cette dichotomie défensive-offensive ne s’applique bien entendu pas absolument à toutes les tactiques, mais elle s’applique à la stratégie. Le conservateur peut bien lancer de brèves contre-attaques – il peut bien sortir de sa forteresse pour s’en prendre à son assiégeant révolutionnaire – mais sur le long terme il reste l’assiégé, et le révolutionnaire reste l’assiégeant.
    Le but du conservateur est de protéger ce qui est, ou, à l’extrême, de restaurer ce qui était encore récemment. Le but du révolutionnaire est de transformer radicalement ce qui est, ou de s’en débarrasser purement et simplement, pour le remplacer par quelque chose d’entièrement différent.
    Nirvana sans race
    Ainsi, le conservateur parle de «restaurer la constitution», de mettre un terme aux crimes de rue, de baisser les impôts, de combattre la propagation de la drogue et de la pornographie, de garder le Grand Gouvernement sous contrôle. Quant au gauchiste, il cherche une utopie dans laquelle il n’y aurait ni guerre, ni «répression», ni «discrimination», ni «racisme», ni limites sur la liberté d’action des individus – un nirvana sans effort d’«amour», d’«égalité» et de plénitude.

    Le Pays Imaginaire
    Le but du conservateur peut sembler assez raisonnable – et atteignable. Le but du gauchiste, en revanche, repose sur un pays imaginaire bien loin de l’horizon de la réalité. Et voilà précisément ce qui donne l’avantage à la gauche.
    Quand le conservateur obtient une réussite mineure – avoir un « constructionniste » à la Cour Suprême, ou un Républicain à la Maison Blanche – il risque fort d’agir comme s’il avait gagné toute la guerre. Il ne voit que l’achèvement de son but, baisse sa garde, et s’installe pour profiter des fruits de sa victoire imaginaire. Mais le gauchiste n’est jamais satisfait, peu importe quelles concessions on lui fait, car ses objectifs restent toujours aussi inatteignables qu’auparavant.
    Le conservateur travaille par à-coups. Il s’alarme de chaque déprédation de la gauche, mais se satisfait de pouvoir retomber sur ses pattes, regrouper ses armées et établir une nouvelle ligne de défense. Le gauchiste continue à pousser, à sonder, à avancer, à faire un pas en arrière de temps en temps, juste pour pouvoir faire trois pas en avant un peu plus tard.

    Vaincu à moitié
    Si le gauchiste fait de nouvelles demandes – par exemple l’intégration raciale forcée dans les écoles ou les logements – le conservateur s’y opposera en réclamant le maintien des écoles « de quartier » et la « liberté d’association ». Quand se dissipera la fumée, le gauchiste aura peut-être gagné la moitié de ce qu’il aura demandé, tandis que le conservateur aura perdu la moitié de ce qu’il essayait de préserver.
    Mais alors le conservateur acceptera le nouveau statu quo, comme si les choses avaient toujours été ainsi, et se préparera de nouveau à le défendre contre les attaques de la gauche, avec la même inaptitude dont il a fait preuve en défendant sa position précédente.

    L’idéologie du mal
    Ce changement continuel de position est un désavantage aussi grand pour les conservateurs que leur inhabilité chronique à prendre l’initiative. La gauche révolutionnaire a une idéologie, aussi diabolique et peu naturelle soit-elle, et de cette idéologie viennent l’unité et la continuité de la finalité, prérequis indispensables à la victoire.
    D’un autre côté, qu’est-ce que les conservateurs peuvent considérer comme un credo de combat, un principe immuable pour lequel ils sont prêts à tout sacrifier ? Ils ont été si prompts à battre en retraite ces 50 dernières années ou quelque chose comme ça qu’ils ont complètement perdu de vue le sol sur lequel ils se tenaient au départ. Celui-ci a simplement reculé à l’horizon de l’idéologie.

    Les « racistes » sont radicaux
    Prenez la race, par exemple. Il y a un demi-siècle des gens comme Madison Grant ou Lothrop Stoddard étaient orateurs pour la position conservatrice vis-à-vis de la race. Ils ont argué avec éloquence, bien que dans une position défensive, pour la préservation de l’identité raciale de l’Amérique en maintenant des barrières strictes contre le métissage, ont adopté des mesures fermes sur l’immigration, et ont appliqué les standards eugéniques au problème de la qualité de la population. Aujourd’hui aucun conservateur « responsable » ne serait pris avec les livres de l’un ou l’autre de ces hommes dans la bibliothèque de son salon, car d’après les standards conservateurs actuels ils sont tous les deux « racistes » – et donc « radicaux », au lieu d’être de simples conservateurs respectables.

    Sauver la Constitution
    Y a-t-il le moindre affleurement granitique au milieu de ces sables mouvants – le moindre sol commun sur lequel les conservateurs pourraient se rallier ?
    La défense de la Constitution, peut-être ?
    La Constitution n’existe plus, en dehors d’un bout de papier dans les Archives Nationales. Sa pertinence est devenue nulle à partir du moment où elle n’a plus pu servir les intérêts pour lesquels ses auteurs l’avaient conçue.
    Assurer la tranquillité domestique et promouvoir le bien-être général sont des engagements bien différents aujourd’hui qu’il y a 200 ans. Même une portion aussi fondamentale de la Constitution que sa garantie de fer du droit du port d’armes s’est montrée aussi inutile que le papier sur lequel elle était écrite. L’interdiction explicite de la Constitution faite aux législateurs qui accordent aide et soutien à nos ennemis n’a pas non plus empêché le Sénat des États-Unis de devenir un vivier de trahison.

    Le gouffre de la libre-entreprise
    Qu’en est-il du sauvetage du système américain de libre-entreprise face aux machinations infernales du Grand Gouvernement ?
    Il se trouve que le système de libre-entreprise est resté relativement intact durant la période pendant laquelle des forces étrangères ont subverti notre gouvernement et se sont emparées de notre pays, et on ne peut pas dire que la libre entreprise les ait ralenties, ne serait-ce qu’un peu. Ceux qui ont gagné le contrôle de nos plus grands quotidiens, de notre industrie cinématographique et de nos réseaux radiophoniques et télévisés y sont parvenus avec l’aide de la libre entreprise, plutôt qu’en son dépit.

    Plus que de l’économie
    Ces commentaires ne devraient pas être vus comme une condamnation de la libre entreprise en soi, ni comme une dévalorisation de l’importance des problèmes économiques en général ; plus d’une nation s’est ruinée par une mauvaise gestion de l’économie. Le fait est que les problèmes actuels de l’Amérique sont bien trop profonds pour qu’une quelconque réforme constitutionnelle ou économique ne puisse espérer les résoudre ou même les améliorer de façon substantielle.
    La jeunesse américaine est assez intelligente pour voir ces choses par elle-même, et, en conséquence, on ne doit pas les blâmer s’ils versent quelques larmes sur l’échec de la Constitution ou du laisser-faire capitaliste.

    Besoin de fanatiques
    La gauche peut trouver pléthore de jeunes fanatiques égarés prêts à se mettre eux-mêmes en feu ou à faire exploser une station de police pour faire avancer la cause de l’« égalité » ou de la « paix ». Mais l’idée de jeunes hommes et femmes assemblant des bombes dans des celliers éclairés par la bougie pour mettre un terme aux taxes sur le revenu ou aux déductions de la sécurité sociale est simplement ridicule.
    Tant que les conservateurs ne peuvent offrir plus inspirant, peu de jeunes américains ne s’allieront à leurs standards.
    Les deux failles du conservatisme, le manque d’esprit et d’activisme agressif et le manque d’une base idéologique clairement définie, vont de paire. L’une ne peut exister sans l’autre.

    Buts ultimes
    Selon les mots d’un exceptionnel leader anti-communiste : « Le manque de toute grande idée réformatrice a toujours impliqué une limitation de la force combattive. La conviction d’avoir le droit d’employer les armes les plus brutales est toujours liée à l’existence d’une foi fanatique en la nécessité de la victoire d’un nouvel ordre de choses révolutionnaire.
    « Un mouvement qui ne combat pas pour ces buts et ces idéals suprêmes, ne recourra donc jamais aux moyens les plus extrêmes »1 … Et, inutile de le dire, n’émergera jamais victorieux d’un combat contre un adversaire si motivé.

    Révolutionnaire contre révolutionnaire
    Bien que le conservatisme ne puisse pas gagner contre la gauche, une nouvelle force révolutionnaire, avec la base spirituelle dont manque le conservatisme, et une progression plus audacieuse et déterminée que les forces de la gauche, peut gagner !
    La nouvelle force révolutionnaire se construit maintenant. Ses rangs se remplissent de jeunes américains, disciplinés et réalistes.
    Ayant étudié la question, ils en ont conclu qu’il leur fallait à la foi le libertinisme de drogue et de sexe de la gauche et le libertinisme économique de la droite.

    Un ordre nouveau
    Ils combattent pour un nouvel ordre de vie américain, non basé sur les humeurs et les pleurnicheries du moment, mais sur les valeurs fondamentales de race et de personnalité – ces valeurs qui permirent autrefois à l’homme occidental de conquérir la terre et qui peuvent de nouveau lui permettre cette maîtrise pour le mener à la conquête de l’univers.

    Ils savent que l’époque où la rhétorique ou les votes conservateurs pouvaient sauver la situation est depuis longtemps révolue. Ils comprennent que le salut de l’Amérique doit à présent venir des jeunes hommes et femmes d’esprit et de vision révolutionnaire qui en ont marre de parler et de voter et qui, à la place, travaillent pour un lendemain où ils pourront saisir les vrais ennemis de notre peuple par les cheveux pour leur trancher la gorge.

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  • El Manifiesto Nacionalista Blanco
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  • Trevor Lynch: Part Four of the Trilogy
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  • Return of the Son of Trevor Lynch’s CENSORED Guide to the Movies
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  • Heidegger in Chicago
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  • Son of Trevor Lynch’s White Nationalist Guide to the Movies
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