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Print December 31, 2010 2 comments

On Liberty

William Pierce

Eugène Delacroix, “Liberty Leading the People,” 1830

2,051 words

French translation here

“Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!”

Patrick Henry’s impassioned words, nearly two centuries old now, are perhaps the best known and most cherished ever uttered in America. No true American—that is, no American of Henry’s race—can read those words today without being stirred by them.

Love of Liberty in Our Blood

It matters not how “liberal” an education we have had, nor how much of the propaganda of surrender and weakness and defeat has been crammed into our skulls. The appeal of Henry’s words finds its response in our blood—in our genes, where it has lain these past twenty thousand years and more.

The freeborn farmer-warrior, who typified what is best in our race throughout long ages past, may have little place in today’s slick, conniving world, but as long as his blood still flows, relatively unpolluted, in our veins, even the most democratically acclimatized urbanite among us must feel the gooseflesh rise along the nape of his neck when the call to take up arms against a tyrant rings out.

Perversion of Liberty

But what has that to do with what today masquerades as “liberty”? What connection has the sentiment so eloquently expressed in 1775 by Patrick Henry with the puling, smirking insistence on freedom to “do his thing” by every imaginable brand of degenerate and pervert today? What has it to do with the raucous demand for “Freedom now!” voiced by Blacks who want a bigger slice of the welfare state—or else?

The Latin root from which the word “liberty” has sprung is prolific; it has also yielded “liberal,” “libertarian,” and “libertine.” All these words share a general implication of “lack of restraint.” The range of meaning given to them is enormous, however.

For what a gulf stretches between the “liberty” of Patrick Henry—meaning freedom from political and economic domination by a foreign tyrant—and the “liberty” of our present-day libertarians—meaning the freedom of the individual from every restraint imposed by society. In the one case it is one of Western man’s most cherished and valuable possessions; in the other, simply a manifestation of the sickness called liberalism which is carrying Western man swiftly toward his extinction.

Liberty Not an Absolute

As liberty has no absolute meaning, it has no absolute value. To be free from an alien tyranny, so that we can give expression to our own cultural and social forms rather than those not ours—that is good. To carry the quest for “freedom of expression” to the point where we reject every social norm and every cultural tradition in favor of a formless, normless chaos—that is not good.

Freedom to inquire, to explore, to experiment, to invent—that is both good and necessary if our race is to advance and fulfill its destiny. Freedom to ignore every authority, to escape every obligation, to indulge every whim—that is neither good nor progressive.

Libertarian View Simplistic

The great over-simplification of the libertarian is the assumption that freedom is an absolute—that man is either free or he is not free—that if we want freedom of inquiry, for example, then we must also accept as a necessary concomitant total freedom for self-indulgence.

Thus, the familiar spectacle of Senators, editors, and educators calling for the military defeat of our nation; of Black criminals calling for the murder of our race; of anarchists of every hue calling for the destruction of our culture while we smile tolerantly, if a bit nervously, for we have been taught that to silence a traitor is to strangle liberty. Even to punch a McGovern or a Kennedy—or a Nixon—in the mouth and denounce him for what he is makes us suspect as enemies of free speech.

Semantic Trick

What nonsense! The argument that if we approve of free speech we must tolerate subversion is a semantic trick.

A variation of the same trick goes like this: Racial loyalty, racial pride, racial idealism are a form of “collectivism,” in that emphasis is shifted from the individual to a larger entity—the race of which the individual is only a component part. To insist on individual sacrifice or individual restraint in the interest of the racial community is to restrict the scope of individual prerogative—i.e., to limit individual freedom. Hence, if we are for freedom, we must be against racial idealism.

Atomization of Society

The logic is flawless. And the same argument can be applied to patriotism or any other form of idealism which requires the individual to subordinate his own interests to those of a larger social, national, or racial whole. Libertarianism thus leads naturally to an atomization of society.

To the libertarian the race, the nation are merely assemblages of individuals, nothing more.

From this viewpoint, any social structure—a government, say—is justified only insofar as it provides a convenient framework within which a multitude of human atoms can expeditiously gratify their individual desires and ambitions with a minimum of friction with one another.

“Freedom” Under the System

Liberty, pursued to such lengths, is elusive, and the pursuer deceives himself. Our masters, the men who run the System, are not such fools. They better understand the nature of “freedom.” They know that in order to compel us to do their bidding it is seldom necessary these days to resort to the whip and the chain.

So they let us run about freely, say what we want, vote for whom we choose. The United States is a “free” country. All the System cares about is that the net aggregate of our opinions, the result of our elections, shall be what they have predetermined they should be.

It is no more possible to put a truly anti-System man into the Presidency by the democratic process in this country than it is to talk the System into cutting its own throat. But the System men don’t mind if we fool ourselves into thinking it is possible. In fact, they prefer it that way.

Donkeys and Men

One can get a donkey from point “A” to point “B” by tying a rope around his neck and pulling hard enough. Or one can accomplish the same thing by placing the donkey’s oats and water out in plain sight at point “B,” taking care that no other source of provender is readily accessible.

Is the donkey really any “freer” in the second case than in the first? It is idle to argue that in the second case the donkey could have decided not to go to the oats. The fact is that one is able to predetermine the donkey’s behavior, almost with certainty, by a simple manipulation of external stimuli.

When dealing with people instead of donkeys one must be more subtle, but the principle remains the same.

Compulsion of Necessity

We like to think that we make our own decisions, form our own opinions, but in most cases we don’t. Even outside the realm of politics and the public-opinion manipulators, man’s supposedly “free” choice is subject to a thousand determinants beyond his control.

Even a sole inhabitant of the earth, free of every social constraint and inhibition, would remain a slave to the weather and all the other limitations on his will imposed by Nature. Such limitations are just as effective in reducing man’s freedom—in restricting the scope of his actions—as are the walls of any man-made prison.

Division of Labor

Thinking of freedom in these terms, it is easy to see that a sole inhabitant may be considerably less free than a member of a social group. Although membership in a group inevitably carries with it certain restrictions, it may, for a properly constituted group, result in a far greater scope of action than is possible for the unaffiliated individual.

As an example, a sole inhabitant may wish to devote his life to music or to the study of mathematics. But the daily necessities of providing himself with food, clothing and shelter would certainly leave him little time for indulging such whims. And it is quite clear that these natural restrictions just as truly limit his freedom of choice as, say, “repressive” parents or a “totalitarian” government.

Only the division of labor made possible by social organization, with its accompanying channeling of individual energies into rather restricted areas, can open up for anyone the choice of a career in music or mathematics.

A Dangerous Illusion

Thus the libertarian ideal of man as a free spirit, making rational choices independently of conditions around him, is sheer illusion.

Perhaps all this should be self-evident, but apparently it is not. There are alarming numbers of young people today, nominally on the right as well as on the left, who talk and act as if liberty were an absolute thing that would be within their grasp were it not for various “collectivist” or “repressive” tendencies in the government and in our present society.

The prevalence of this libertarian derangement may only be a reflection of the too-permissive child-rearing methods of the last couple of decades, but whatever it is it must be overcome.

Whole More than Sum of Parts

The doctrine that a society is no more than the sum of the individuals comprising it must lead first to the atomization of that society and then to its complete destruction. The Western world is now rushing headlong in to this last phase, where, ironically, an obsessive mania for ever more liberty promises a final end to all liberty.

The great social genius of Western man has been his skill at so ordering his society that it has provided close to the maximum possible yield of true liberty—that is, the maximum possible scope for human endeavor. By and large he has avoided both the extreme of social disorganization which we call anarchy and the extreme of social over-organization which results in the ant-heap societies characteristic of the Orient.

Neither Atoms nor Ants

He has understood, during the great periods of his history, that maximum freedom—maximum social potential—is achieved when a careful compromise is made between anarchy and the ant heap.

To go too far in the direction of totally unrestrained individualism—that is, to approach an atomistic society—is to sacrifice the scope of action which exists only when the will of a whole people can be unified and concentrated on a common goal.

To totally ignore the qualities of the individual—that is, to approach a society based on Marxist equalitarianism, where individuals are completely interchangeable economic units—is to sacrifice the great potential for innovation, for creation, for leadership which exists not in the mass but only in exceptional individuals.

We cannot make either of these sacrifices and still hope to emerge victorious from the struggle for existence which now rages, and will rage, between the various races of man on this planet until one is supreme and the others have yielded.

A Lousy Compromise

Today we suffer from the worst of both extremes. We live in an oppressively overcrowded environment with ever-diminishing privacy, solitude, peace, and quiet. We feel totally impotent and insignificant in the face of the impersonal bureaucratic monstrosity with which Big Brother rules our lives.

But at the same time we are totally lacking in solidarity—racial, national, or otherwise. We have no common purpose, no unity of will as a compensation for the loss of our privacy. Instead of selfless idealism, egoism and materialism reign.

America today is an atomized ant heap.

The cure for this unfortunate state of affairs is to be found neither among the libertarian egoists nor the Marxist collectivists. Peculiarly enough, however, both these factions have draped themselves in the banner of “liberty”!

Race and Personality

If we seek true liberty, what we must do first is establish among ourselves, the men of the West, or among some carefully selected portion of ourselves, a common purpose based on true idealism. Then we must smash the present System, which thwarts that purpose, and build a new society in which the individual achieves self-fulfillment through service to the whole, and the whole advances by giving the widest possible scope for such service to each individual.

From Attack!, no. 5, 1971

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Tags

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2 comments

  1. Le Fauconnier says:
    November 11, 2020 at 7:32 am

    I have translate Pierce’s text in French:

    Sur la liberté
    « La vie est-elle si précieuse ou la paix si douce qu’elles doivent être achetées au prix des chaînes et de l’esclavage ? Dieu Tout-Puissant ! Je ne sais pas ce que d’autres feront, mais pour ma part, donnez-moi la liberté ou donnez-moi la mort ! »

    Les mots passionnés de Patrick Henry, à présent âgés de près de deux siècles, sont peut-être les plus connus et les plus chéris jamais prononcés en Amérique. Aucun vrai Américain – enfin, aucun vrai Américain de la race d’Henry – ne peut lire ces mots aujourd’hui sans en être secoué.

    L’amour de la liberté dans notre sang
    Peu importe à quel point notre éducation a été « libérale », ou combien de propagande de reddition et de faiblesse nous a été tassée dans le crâne. L’appel des mots d’Henry trouve sa réponse dans notre sang – dans nos gènes, où il a reposé ces vingt derniers siècles et au-delà.
    Le paysan-guerrier qui a typifié ce qu’il y a de mieux dans notre race au travers des âges passés peut n’avoir que peu de place dans le monde malade et complotant d’aujourd’hui, mais tant que coule son sang, relativement peu pollué, dans nos veines, même le citadin le plus acclimaté démocratiquement d’entre nous doit sentir la sueur froide couler le long de sa nuque lorsque sonne l’appel de prendre les armes contre un tyran.

    La perversion de la Liberté
    Mais qu’est-ce que cela a à voir avec ce qui porte de nos jours le masque de la « liberté » ? Quelle connexion a le sentiment exprimé avec tant d’éloquence en 1775 par Patrick Henry avec l’insistance pernicieuse d’une liberté poussant à faire « ce qu’on veut » parmi toutes les pratiques dégénérées et perverses d’aujourd’hui ? Qu’est-ce que cela a à voir avec la demande rauque pour la « Liberté maintenant ! » hurlée par des Noirs qui veulent un plus gros morceau de l’État-Providence – ou sinon ?
    La racine latine de laquelle émerge le mot « liberté » est prolifique ; elle a également donné « libéral », « libertaire » et « libertin ». Tous ces mots partagent une implication générale de « manque de restrictions ». Le champ de signification qu’on leur donne est en revanche énorme.
    Car quel golfe y a-t-il entre la « liberté » de Patrick Henry – liberté d’une domination politique et économique exercée par un tyran étranger – et la « liberté » de nos libertariens actuels – libération de l’individu de toute contrainte imposée par la société. Dans le premier cas on parle des possessions les plus valeureuses et chéries de l’Homme occidental ; dans l’autre, simplement d’une manifestation de la maladie qu’on appelle libéralisme, qui emporte promptement l’Homme occidental vers son extinction.

    La Liberté n’est pas un absolu
    La liberté n’ayant pas de signification absolue, elle n’a pas non plus de valeur absolue. Être libre d’une tyrannie étrangère, afin de pouvoir exprimer nos propres formes culturelles et sociales plutôt que celles qui ne sont pas nôtres – c’est bien. Amener la quête pour la « liberté d’expression » au point où l’on rejette toute norme sociale et toute tradition culturelle en faveur d’un chaos sans forme et sans norme – ce n’est pas bien.
    La liberté de rechercher, explorer, expérimenter, inventer – tout cela est à la fois bon et nécessaire si notre race veut avancer et accomplir sa destinée. La liberté d’ignorer toute autorité, d’échapper à toute obligation, de se livrer à tous les caprices – ce n’est ni bon ni progressif.

    Une vision libertaire simpliste
    La grande sursimplification du libertaire est le postulat selon lequel la liberté est un absolu – que l’Homme est libre ou qu’il ne l’est pas – si l’on veut la liberté de rechercher, par exemple, alors devons-nous accepter comme concomitance nécessaire une liberté totale de complaisance.
    D’où le spectacle familier de Sénateurs, d’éditeurs et d’éducateurs qui appellent à la défaite militaire de notre nation ; de criminels Noirs appelant au meurtre de notre race ; d’anarchistes de toutes les couleurs appelant à la destruction de notre culture pendant que nous sourions avec tolérance, quoiqu’un peu nerveusement, puisque l’on nous a appris que faire taire un traître c’est étrangler la liberté. Même donner un coup de poing dans la bouche d’un McGovern ou d’un Kennedy – ou d’un Nixon – pour le dénoncer pour ce qu’il est fait de nous des suspects en tant qu’ennemis de la liberté d’expression.

    Masquarade sémantique
    Quel non-sens ! L’argument selon lequel si nous approuvons la liberté d’expression nous devons tolérer la subversion est une mascarade sémantique.
    Une variation du même tour va ainsi : Loyauté, fierté et idéalisme raciaux sont une forme de « collectivisme », dans lequel l’emphase passe d’un individu à une plus large entité – la race – dont l’individu n’est qu’une partie composante. Insister sur le sacrifice ou la contrainte individuelle pour l’intérêt de la race revient à restreindre le champ des prérogatives individuelles – c.à.d. à limiter la liberté individuelle. De ce fait, si nous sommes pour la liberté, nous devons être contre l’idéalisme racial.

    Atomisation de la société
    La logique est sans faille. Et le même argument peut s’appliquer au patriotisme ou à n’importe quelle autre forme d’idéalisme qui requiert que l’individu subordone ses propres intérêts à ceux d’un ensemble social, national ou racial plus grand. Le libertarisme mène ainsi naturellement à une atomisation de la société.
    Pour le libertaire, la race, la nation, sont seulement des assemblages d’individus, rien d’autre.
    De ce point de vue, toute structure sociale – disons, un gouvernement – se justifie uniquement à partir du moment où elle offre une structure pratique dans laquelle une multitude d’atomes humains peuvent satisfaire expéditivement leurs désirs et ambitions individuels avec le moins possible de friction les uns avec les autres.

    La « Liberté » dans le Système
    Poursuivie à ce point, la liberté est insaisissable, et celui qui la poursuit ne pourra que se décevoir lui-même. Nos maîtres, les hommes qui dirigent le Système, ne sont pas aussi idiots. Ils comprennent mieux que personne la nature de la « liberté ». Ils savent que pour nous rendre corvéables à merci il est rarement nécessaire de nos jours de recourir au fouet et aux chaînes.
    Ils nous laissent donc aller librement, dire ce que nous voulons, choisir pour qui nous votons. Les États-Unis sont un pays « libre ». Tous ce qui importe au Système, c’est que l’agrégat net de nos opinions, le résultat de nos élections, soient ce qu’ils ont décidé au préalable.
    Il n’est pas plus possible de mettre un homme véritablement anti-Système à la Présidence en suivant le processus démocratique de ce pays que d’amener le Système à trancher sa propre gorge. Mais cela ne dérange pas les hommes du Système que nous nous égarions à penser que c’est possible. En fait, ils préfèrent que ce soit ainsi.

    Ânes et Hommes
    On peut amener un âne d’un point « A » à un point « B » en nouant une corde autour de son cou et en tirant assez fort. On peut accomplir la même chose en plaçant l’avoine et l’eau de l’âne bien en vue au point « B », en faisant en sorte qu’aucune autre source de nourriture ne soit directement accessible.
    L’âne est-il vraiment plus « libre » dans le second cas que dans le premier ? Il est aisé de dire que dans le second cas l’âne aurait pu décider de ne pas aller vers l’avoine. Le fait est que l’on peut prédéterminer le comportement de l’âne avec quasi-certitude, par simple manipulation d’un stimulus extérieur.
    Lorsqu’il s’agit de gens plutôt que d’ânes, il faut être plus subtil, mais le principe reste le même.
    Compulsion de nécessité
    Nous aimons à penser que nous prenons nos propres décisions, que nous forgeons nos propres opinions, mais la plupart du temps c’est faux. Même en dehors du champ de la politique et des manipulateurs d’opinion publique, le soi-disant « libre » choix de l’homme est sujet à un millier de déterminants bien au-delà de son contrôle.
    Même un seul habitant de la terre, libre de toute contrainte et inhibition sociale, resterait l’esclave du climat et de toutes les autres limites imposées par la Nature. De telles limites sont tout aussi efficaces pour réduire la liberté d’un homme – en restreignant la portée de ses actions – que ne le seraient les murs de n’importe quelle prison humaine.

    Division du travail
    Si l’on pense à la liberté en ces termes, il est aisé de voir qu’un seul habitant peut être considérablement moins libre qu’un membre d’un groupe social. Bien que l’appartenance à un groupe s’accompagne inévitablement de certaines restrictions, cela peu, pour un groupe proprement constitué, résulter en un bien plus grand champ d’action que ce qui est possible pour l’individu non affilié.
    Par exemple, un seul habitant pourrait vouloir vouer sa vie à la musique ou à l’étude des mathématiques. Mais les nécessités quotidiennes de s’approvisionner en nourriture, vêtements et abri ne lui laisseraient certainement que peu de temps pour se livrer à de tels caprices. Et il est assez clair que ces restrictions naturelles limitent tout autant sa liberté de choix que, disons, des parents « répressifs » ou un gouvernement « totalitaire ».
    Seule la division du travail rendue possible par l’organisation sociale, avec la canalisation des énergies individuelles dans des domaines plutôt restreints, peut ouvrir à chacun le choix d’une carrière en musique ou en mathématiques.

    Une illusion dangereuse
    Ainsi l’idéal libertaire de l’homme en tant qu’esprit libre, faisant des choix rationnels indépendamment des conditions qui l’entourent n’est que pure illusion.
    Peut-être tout cela devrait-il être évident en soi, mais apparemment ce n’est pas le cas. Il y a un nombre alarmant de jeunes gens de nos jours, aussi bien à droite qu’à gauche, qui parlent et agissent comme si la liberté était une chose absolue qui serait à leur portée s’il n’y avait pas diverses tendances « collectivistes » ou « répressives » dans le gouvernement et dans notre société actuelle.
    La prévalence de ce dérangement libertaire peut n’être qu’un reflet des méthodes d’éducation infantile trop permissives de ces deux dernières décennies, mais peu importe d’où elle est venue, il faut la surmonter.

    Bien plus que des morceaux additionnés
    La doctrine selon laquelle une société n’est rien d’autre que la somme des individus qui la composent doit d’abord mener à l’atomisation de cette société, puis à sa destruction complète. Le monde occidental est à présent en train de plonger la tête la première dans cette dernière phase où, ironiquement, une folie obsessionnelle pour encore plus de liberté promet un point final à toutes les libertés.
    Le grand génie social de l’homme occidental a été son talent pour ordonner sa société de telle sorte qu’il a obtenu ce qui est le plus proche du champ maximum de vraie liberté – à savoir, le plus grand champ possible pour des efforts humains. Dans l’ensemble il a évité à la fois l’extrême d’une désorganisation sociale que l’on appelle anarchie et l’extrême d’une super-organisation sociale qui résulte dans les caractéristiques de fourmilières des sociétés de l’Orient.

    Ni atomes ni fourmis
    Il a compris, pendant les grandes périodes de son histoire, que la liberté maximum – le potentiel social maximum – n’est obtenu que lorsque l’on fait un compromis méticuleux entre l’anarchie et la fourmilière.
    Aller trop loin dans la direction de l’individualisme totalement débridé – donc s’approcher d’une société atomiste – revient à sacrifier le champ d’action qui existe uniquement lorsque la volonté de tout un peuple peut être unifiée et concentrée autour d’un but commun.
    Totalement ignorer les qualités de l’individu – donc s’approcher d’une société basée sur l’égalitarisme marxiste, où les individus sont des unités économiques parfaitement interchangeables – revient à sacrifier le grand potentiel d’innovation, de création et d’encadrement qui n’existe pas dans les masses mais uniquement dans des individus exceptionnels.
    Nous ne pouvons faire aucun de ces sacrifices et tout de même espérer sortir victorieux du combat pour l’existence qui fait à présent rage, et qui continuera à faire rage, entre les différentes races d’hommes sur cette planète jusqu’à ce que l’une d’entre elle soit suprême et que les autres se soient courbées.

    Un compromis bruyant
    De nos jours nous souffrons du pire des deux extrêmes. Nous vivons dans un environnement oppressant et surpeuplé avec de moins en moins d’intimité, de solitude, de paix et de quiétude. Nous nous sentons totalement impotents et insignifiants face à la monstruosité bureaucratique impersonnelle avec laquelle Big Brother gouverne nos vies.
    Mais en même temps nous manquons totalement de solidarité – raciale, nationale, ou autre. Nous n’avons aucun but commun, aucune unité de volonté pour compenser la perte de notre intimité. Au lieu d’idéalisme désintéressé, règnent l’égoïsme et le matérialisme.

    L’Amérique d’aujourd’hui est une fourmilière atomisée.
    Le remède pour ce triste état de choses ne se trouve ni parmi les égoïstes libertaires ni parmi les collectivistes marxistes. Assez curieusement, cependant, ces deux factions se drapent de la bannière de la « liberté » !

    Race et personnalité
    Si nous cherchons la vraie liberté, ce que nous devons d’abord faire, c’est établir parmi nous, hommes occidentaux, ou parmi une portion de nous-mêmes sélectionnée avec soin, un objectif commun basé sur un véritable idéalisme. Ensuite nous devons fracasser le Système actuel, qui contrarie cet objectif, et construire une nouvelle société dans laquelle l’individu atteindra l’épanouissement personnel en servant la communauté, et où la communauté progressera en donnant, pour ces services, à chaque individu, le plus large champ d’action possible.
    (Numéro 5, 1971)

  2. Alexandra says:
    November 12, 2020 at 3:06 pm

    Freedom is indeed a complex subject — what is one’s freedom is another’s terrorism — and we’re still sorting it out and blaming and shaming. What we saw last summer — in WDC, L.A., Portland, San Francisco, Seattle, Minneapolis, NYC, etc. — was, in Pierce’s words “not ‘freedom of expression’ but the rejection of every social norm and every tradition in favor of a formless chaos. That is not good.”

    I hope we can pursue the scholarly or philosophical study of anarchy in detail someday, and its current expression in Antifa, as was presented to us in the ‘peaceful protests’ we’ve just lived through. And how do we fight back against people who seriously believe they have a ’cause’ worth expressing in the total anarchic chaos and destruction we witnessed. This essay explains it the best I have seen thus far — but I was so thoroughly angry at the ongoing rioting, burning and looting that kept on for weeks on end, which I had not experienced in that intensity in all the 60 years of my ‘teens and adulthood. And, have we further unleashed the Dogs of Hell now with this election?

    Great post from a great voice from the past, and it explained a lot.

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