Wildfires in Patagonia

4,418 words

Raging wildfires have blazed nearly 12,000 hectares of planted and native forests in the Argentine Patagonia. These fires started in the province of Chubut, but the causes have not yet been established. There is a lot of hypothesis, and there are indications that one of the biggest fires was deliberately set (Associated Press, 2026). Part of the population has its own theories as to why the fires may be intentional. For example, a few days ago, the idea of an Israeli colonization in Patagonia resurfaced in Argentine public opinion. A woman interviewed by an Argentine television channel while she was going to help at the site of the fires stated:

This place is paradise for us, and they burned our paradise. . . they ruined everything. . . and what is happening here is that they are trying to sell Patagonia to all the Jews. . . this has been known for a long time, everyone here knows it. It is full of Israelites, they are all buying land.[1]

The matter of the Israeli presence is not new, nor is the occurrence of forest fires in the Southern Cone of America.

Jewish/Israeli presence in the Southern Cone

Argentina hosts Latin America’s largest Jewish community (estimated at roughly 170,000 to 200,000 people) and one of the world’s major Jewish diasporas (Jewish Virtual Library, 2024). Jewish life is concentrated in Buenos Aires but was shaped by large immigration waves from Eastern Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, alongside Sephardic and Middle Eastern arrivals. A distinctive chapter was rural settlement: the Jewish Colonization Association (founded in 1891) supported agricultural colonies, including Moisés Ville in Santa Fe (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2015). Community institutions grew over time—AMIA, founded in 1894, became a central mutual-aid and cultural hub. Argentine Jews have been involved in commerce, arts, academia, and public life, while also facing periodic antisemitism and major attacks.

While the Jewish presence in Argentina has been significant enough to provoke terrorist attacks such as on the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires on March 17, 1992 (resulting in 29 dead and 242 injured (U.S. Embassy in Argentina, 2024)) and the attack on the AMIA on July 18, 1994 (85 dead and 300 injured (Associated Press, 2024, U.S. Embassy in Argentina, 2024)), the Jewish presence in Chile is smaller and perhaps less mainstream. For political reasons and the consequent ascription of Israel to the category of an oppressive state, the Chilean Left is rather anti-Zionist, reaching its highest point during the government of Gabriel Boric, in which different impasses have occurred throughout the period. Probably, in this period there have been more impasses with Israel than there have been during the entire twentieth century. [2] Within the Communist Party of Chile a kind of dissent has occurred regarding the conflict between Israel and Palestine: Daniel Jadue, a former Communist mayor of Palestinian origin (indeed, he was part of the PFLP for some years (La Tercera, 2021; Palabroad, 2021)), after stating that “he considers it a contradiction to be Jewish and to hold Left-wing ideas,” was rebuked by the Communist deputy of Jewish origin Carmen Hertz (BioBioChile, 2024a). While the bulk of the Communist Party’s membership is broadly anti-Zionist, Carmen Hertz has never concealed her ethnic solidarity.

On the other hand, during Augusto Pinochet’s military dictatorship (1973–1990), Chile’s relationship with Israel is best described as pragmatic and security-centered: formal diplomatic ties continued, and cooperation expanded most visibly through arms sales and related training and logistics, especially once Chile faced restrictions from other Western suppliers (Bohoslavsky, 2008).

A somewhat different story is that of the local population in southern Chile: alien and uninterested in the situation of the conflict between Israel and Palestine, the anti-Israeli sentiment (it cannot be described as anti-Zionist because in that population there is no real awareness of what Zionism is, and it cannot be described as antisemitic either, because its aversion is directed toward Israelis and not toward other Semitic groups) has been increasing over the passing of the years. We will return to this point later.

Patagonia, Patagonia Without Dams, and Deep Ecology

The Carretera Austral is probably one of the most beautiful routes on the planet, and Patagonia is one of the areas of greatest conservation interest in the world. It is not for nothing that there have been enormous efforts to conserve it. Today, the Patagonia zone in Chile includes the national parks Pumalín, Patagonia (including the Lago Jeinimeni National Reserve, Lago Cochrane Forest Reserve, and Valle Chacabuco), and Yendegaia, and, on the Argentine side, the parks Monte León, Península Mitre, Patagonia (Argentina), and Perito Moreno. This is largely due to the work of Douglas Tompkins and the different think-tanks/philanthropy platform, land-acquisition, and park holding organizations in which he was involved, or that emerged/transformed after his death. These include New Paradigm Thinking (1989), Foundation for Deep Ecology (endowed 1990), International Forum on Globalization (spun off as independent nonprofit, 1995), Conservation Land Trust (endowed 1992), Rewilding Argentina (rebrand, 2020), Fundación Pumalín (Chile NGO; holds/manages Pumalín Park land, 2005), Tompkins Conservation Chile (Chile-based partner/operations), Rewilding Chile (independent nonprofit name from 2021), Patagonia Land Trust (founded 2000), Conservación Patagónica (renamed from Patagonia Land Trust), Fundación Yendegaia (Tompkins philanthropy; land donation for Yendegaia NP, noted 2014), and Tompkins Conservation (legal merger, 2019).

The Foundation for Deep Ecology was a private charitable foundation created and endowed by Douglas (Doug) Tompkins (founder/co-founder of The North Face and Esprit) to support conservation activism—especially through a “deep ecology”/biocentric lens. FDE pursued its mission (“support education and advocacy on behalf of wild Nature”) mainly through publications (a long-running book-publishing program on wilderness, biodiversity, ecological agriculture, and critiques of megatechnology/globalization (e.g., it published a 10-volume Selected Works of Arne Naess series and multiple advocacy-oriented titles)), grant-making (at points it made large numbers of grants to groups working on biodiversity protection, ecological agriculture, and related campaigns), and campaign support (it funded advocacy efforts such as the Turning Point Project, including high-profile public communications (e.g., full-page newspaper ads).

Through the Foundation for Deep Ecology, Tompkins was a key contributor to the Patagonia Sin Represas campaign (2007–2008), contributing the sum of $2.5 million USD (La Tercera, 2012). Patagonia Sin Represas (trans. “Patagonia Without Dams”) was a Chilean civil-society campaign launched in 2007 under the Consejo de Defensa de la Patagonia, bringing together local communities and environmental NGOs to oppose the HidroAysén megaproject in the Aysén Region. HidroAysén proposed five large dams—two on the Baker River and three on the Pascua River—plus a long high-voltage transmission line to central Chile (National Geographic, 2014; Gobierno de Chile, 2014). The campaign’s objectives were to keep Patagonia’s rivers free-flowing, prevent large-scale flooding of rare forests and farmland, and steer Chile’s energy debate toward efficiency and renewable alternatives. It highlighted projected impacts, including about 15,000 acres of flooding and transmission corridors nationwide. Its scope combined mass demonstrations, sustained media work, and administrative and legal challenges, turning a regional conflict into a national issue after major protests in 2011. In June 2014, Chile’s government revoked the project’s environmental approvals, and the developers later terminated HidroAysén, making it a landmark conservation win (Gobierno de Chile, 2014; Natural Resources Defense Council, 2014; National Geographic, 2014; Tribunal Ambiental de Santiago, 2017).

Zionist interests or Tiyul Acharei Tzava–related negligence?

When the Chilean state planned Carretera Austral segments that would cross Pumalín (then a private park/Nature Sanctuary) (Fundación Terram, 2011), Tompkins and the Pumalín Foundation lobbied against routing that cut through protected land and argued for a coastal connectivity alternative using ferries as the “lowest possible impact” option, although, at the same time, they acknowledged the state’s legal power to expropriate land for the road and did not reject the process itself. Tompkins Conservation explicitly states that most road construction harms natural systems (habitat disruption, enabling extractive development, fossil-fuel impacts), but nevertheless describes launching a campaign to have the Carretera Austral designated a “Scenic Highway,” with legal standards for signage, maintenance, and roadside development. Rewilding Chile frames this as improving the road’s aesthetic quality, promoting tourism, and supporting local economies—and notes the Carretera Austral later became integral to the Route of Parks concept, a 1,700-mile conservation route connecting 17 national parks and surrounding communities, generally leveraging the existing road-and-ferry spine rather than presenting new “through-park” corridors as the centerpiece. Rewilding Argentina’s public reporting emphasizes building park gateways, public-use infrastructure, and trails (e.g., kilometers of new trails), rather than advocating for new roads/bridges cutting through park interiors.

The above caused suspicions to arise regarding the actions of environmentalist and conservationist organizations in the Southern Cone. They have been accused on numerous occasions of being entities functional to ulterior interests; among them, those of a Zionist occupation in Patagonian lands—or also known as the Andinia Plan. This even escalated to high Chilean politics. In 2017, Víctor Osorio, the then former Minister of National Assets, related in the column titled “Douglas Tompkins, las teorías de la conspiración y la posverdad” (trans. “Douglas Tompkins, conspiracy theories and post-truth”) that, in a working meeting with the parliamentary caucus of the Christian Democratic Party held in 2014, the then deputy René Saffirio asserted that the conservation project had ulterior Zionist aims:

The meeting with the Falangist deputies was productive and fraternal, addressing a diversity of matters linked to the administration and management of state-owned property. Until René Saffirio asked for the floor. And he proceeded to violently assail the Yendegaia Park initiative and the dialogue that the Government of Chile was maintaining with the foundations created by Douglas and Kristine Tompkins, on the basis of completely unfounded arguments. In essence, he asserted that the Treasury was swapping real estate with the businessman, thus strengthening his territorial dominion in Patagonia.

The most impressive thing was, however, Saffirio’s assertion to the effect that the properties Tompkins had acquired had as their concealed purpose the consolidation of a Jewish enclave in the south of the country, thereby affecting the sovereignty of the Chilean State. He said that the government of President Michelle Bachelet was becoming complicit in such perfidy.

The next day, Deputy Saffirio replied with a clarifying column:

In that meeting, my entire intervention was limited to making the Minister aware of the inadvisability of using ships of the Chilean Navy to transport and eliminate one of the two herds of wild horses that could be sighted in their free habitat, which he was cruelly killing, while land swaps were being negotiated with Douglas Tompkins. These are Darwin’s Epeison Austral horses.

Osorio’s column is frankly delirious and insulting, and it strikes me that it refers to that meeting that took place three years ago and uses this outlet to make false statements by inventing expressions that I have never used.

I reiterate that all my interest in that meeting was to express to the then Minister of National Assets that he halt the process of land swaps with Mr. Tompkins until the slaughter of a species of wild horses unique in the world was stopped. There is record of what was stated in the minutes of the Chamber sessions in which I requested repeated oversight communications to his Ministry regarding these killings, while the land swaps were being negotiated.

True or false, the fact is that the alleged colonization had not been spoken about before at such a high political level.

Regarding this idea, research traces an early, influential formulation to the Frente Nacional Socialista Argentino (FNSA) in the 1960s. Later far-Right activists repeatedly recycled the claim as a political weapon against Jewish communities and institutions, often reinterpreting real historical facts—such as Jewish immigration and agricultural colonies in Argentina—as proof of a territorial project. The idea of a Jewish home in Patagonia could have been based on some paragraphs of The Jewish State. Regarding this, Theodor Herzl mentions:

Shall we choose Palestine or Argentine? We shall take what is given us, and what is selected by Jewish public opinion. The Society will determine both these points. Argentine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, extends over a vast area, has a sparse population and a mild climate. The Argentine Republic would derive considerable profit from the cession of a portion of its territory to us. The present infiltration of Jews has certainly produced some discontent, and it would be necessary to enlighten the Republic on the intrinsic difference of our new movement.

However, Herzl adds later:

Palestine is our ever-memorable historic home. The very name of Palestine would attract our people with a force of marvellous potency. If His Majesty the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return undertake to regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We should there form a portion of a rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to barbarism.

Even so, the idea of a Jewish colonization never disappeared from some reduced ideological circles in Argentina and Chile, resurfacing sporadically, motivated by diverse causes or facts, such as the Patagonia Sin Represas case mentioned above.

Tiyul Acharei Tzava (“post-army trip”) is the common Israeli practice of taking a long journey soon after completing mandatory military service. Many young adults travel for weeks or months, often in groups, as a decompression period and a rite of passage between the army and studies or work. Typical destinations include South America, India, Nepal, and Southeast Asia, with popular routes shaped by word-of-mouth, guidebooks, and Israeli traveler networks. The trips often combine trekking, nature tourism, nightlife, and short-term volunteering or casual work, and they can involve Israeli-oriented hostels and services. This post-army trip causes some 20,000 Israelis to visit the south of Chile (the Argentine statistics are doubtful due to the scant institutional interest in keeping their databases updated). Initially, these visits reported an increase in income for the tourism sector, but progressively they began to be perceived as something negative by local communities: problems paying reservations, thefts in lodgings, annoying noises, and attempts at scams. But the scope of disruptive conduct goes beyond dealing with tourism operators: the behavior of some post-army trip travelers has even had repercussions on the environment, causing the destruction of tens of thousands of hectares of native forest, for reasons as incredible as disobeying the basic rules of national parks (not making bonfires, not smoking in unauthorized places). In 2011, Rotem Singer caused the destruction of 17,000 hectares of Torres del Paine National Park (Ministerio del Medio Ambiente de Chile, 2015; BioBioChile, 2014; CIREN, 2012). In 2014, Tom Netanel Maor, Daniel Eliyahu Banay, Raz Kapitulo, and Guy Bustan barely had to pay a little more than $500 USD each for violating the prohibition on lighting fires in the Torres del Paine area (OLCA, 2014; The Clinic, 2014).

Because most Israeli tourists visit Patagonia in the context of Tiyul Acharei Tzava, they are mostly military personnel. This fact has led to the spread of the belief that there are military personnel deployed on the ground taking topographic and cartographic measurements.

Jewish ethnocentrism and sabra misbehavior

The undesirable behavior displayed by Israeli tourists visiting Patagonia is neither recent nor lacking in documentation. In his article “Turistas judíos europeos y sabras” (trans. “European Jewish Tourists and Sabras”) the Chilean author of Jewish origin André Jouffé makes some observations regarding Israeli tourists and their behavior:

It is necessary to begin these lines by informing that sabras are those born in Israel whose religion is Jewish, but in the rest of the world Jews are usually recognized as such as those coming from Europe.

In the tourism milieu, against European Jews I have never heard a complaint, on the contrary, the refined culture of the old continent they transfer to all the places visited.

Another universe is that of the sabras.

Already at the Cannes film festival, at the beginning of the nineteen-nineties, the arrival of Israel television at the Select hotel made the place a hell. At dawn, shouting, slamming doors, a colossal uproar. Monsieur Branly, a Sephardic Jew, had to intervene several times with null results.

Years go by and I find myself in Magallanes with a panorama of open hostility toward the tourist from Israel. And totally alien to antisemitism. In some establishments in Puerto Natales they ask the visitor where he comes from. If he answers from Israel, they simply do not grant him entry.

In Punta Arenas in the hostel El Conventillo, on Korner passageway, which has nothing vulgar as might be inferred from the name, the manager tells me: “If it is one I let him pass, if they are three or four, I answer that the place is full. There is a problem of cleanliness, of order.”

The councilman Mario Pascual Prado, who had a hostel until a few years ago, recounts that the noise, the problem of payments, and the disorder gave him headaches every time tourists from Israel arrived.

A tour guide who worked ten years in Torres del Paine affirms: “They arrived at two and left stealthily at five in the morning so as not to pay. It was the limit. On the tours they always provided the discordant note. In the end I decided not to work with them anymore. Almost always they are young people who have finished military service and go out for a year to travel the world, but they carry habits from the battlefield.”

Carmen Gallego did her tourism practicum in an agency. She relates: “My first experience was atrocious. We went with a young couple of Israelites to the penguin colonies and they did not want to pay upon not finding the species they were looking for. When I argued to them that it was not our fault, they insulted me as I had never been treated in my life; it cost me the world to return to work in the following days.”

(…)

I consider it absolutely indispensable that the government of Israel and its embassies impose a manual of good conduct on their citizens when they go out, because in the end they are the face of the country abroad. . .

When the dreadful disaster occurred in Torres del Paine, the word Israelites—no other—surfaced to designate culprits. One did not hear French, Spaniards, Argentines, or Germans being said. Mere coincidence?

***

This behavior, at first sight undisciplined and disdainful with respect to the norms of other cultures, would not be something accidental nor something unique, but rather the explicit manifestation of patterns of behavior displayed for centuries.

In Separation and Its Discontents, Kevin MacDonald portrays what he calls “Jewish ethnocentrism” as including a recurring tendency toward outgroup devaluation, which he interprets as a kind of disdain for gentiles’ conduct and for the normative orders of surrounding societies. He frames these impressions within his broader thesis that Judaism functions as a group evolutionary strategy oriented toward long-term group continuity through strong ingroup cohesion, separation, and regulated boundary maintenance (MacDonald, 1994; MacDonald, 2004). MacDonald first points to vernacular signals of contempt that, in his reading, encode an implicit hierarchy between ingroup and outgroup. MacDonald extends the disdain theme to law and adjudication, arguing that some strands of Jewish legal tradition were historically read as permitting an instrumental approach to other peoples’ laws. He cites a passage about litigation with gentiles that he interprets as endorsing a strategic use of whatever legal system benefits a Jew—invoking “our law” when advantageous and the gentiles’ law when advantageous—while also noting an internal constraint tied to public reputation (“sanctification of the Name”) (MacDonald, 2004).

MacDonald treats this as more than legal pragmatism: for him, it exemplifies an ingroup/outgroup asymmetry in which the outgroup’s legal order is not respected as a shared moral framework but treated as a tool—unless reputational costs to the collective require restraint (MacDonald, 2004). MacDonald links these elements into a single explanatory narrative, suggesting that they collectively support a boundary system that rewards loyalty, discourages assimilation, and reduces permeability between Jews and surrounding populations (MacDonald, 1994; MacDonald, 2004). Where outsiders might see these patterns as artifacts of minority survival in precarious settings, MacDonald emphasizes their functional role in maintaining group cohesion and, in some contexts, a moral hierarchy between ingroup and outgroup (MacDonald, 2004). Therefore, this disdain toward gentile conduct and law works as one component of a larger ethnocentric pattern whose main function is boundary maintenance and long-term group continuity (MacDonald, 1994; MacDonald, 2004; MacDonald, 2002).

***

While no plausible evidence supports the existence of an Israeli plan to colonize Patagonia or the Southern Cone by using wildfires to eradicate the local population, certain behaviors displayed by some Israeli tourists on post-army trips—nonpayment disputes, noise, rule-breaking in protected areas, and a small number of high-profile incidents involving fire risk—do in fact generate rejection among local residents, while conspiracy narratives function primarily by recycling older motifs and thriving in moments of crisis, especially when communities seek simple explanations for complex disasters. Moreover, it is true that negligent and irresponsible actions have put Patagonia’s natural heritage at risk, helping provide anecdotes that some people then fold into a broader anti-Israeli storyline.

Therefore, reputational damage can spread quickly when media amplification and preexisting suspicions reinforce one another, without forgetting that visibly improper conduct is fundamental to the construction of prejudice within the popular imaginary.

Notes

[1] https://www.youtube.com/shorts/F5Efy1RyRsw

[2] Some notable facts:

– September 2022 (early diplomatic rupture in tone): Boric postponed receiving the credentials of Israel’s new ambassador, triggering a public diplomatic dispute (Reuters, 2022).

– October 31, 2023: Chile recalled its ambassador to Israel “for consultations”, citing alleged violations of international humanitarian law amid Israel’s military operations in Gaza (Reuters, 2023).

– January 18, 2024 (legal/international escalation): Chile and Mexico referred the “situation in the State of Palestine” to the International Criminal Court (ICC), asking for investigation of possible crimes and explicitly framing scrutiny as potentially applying to conduct by both sides (Reuters, 2024).

– March 2024: Chile’s government barred Israeli companies from participating in FIDAE 2024 (a major aerospace/defense fair in Santiago), citing the Gaza war as context (BioBioChile, 2024b).

– June 2024 → September 2024 (ICJ genocide case intervention): Boric announced Chile would support/intervene in South Africa’s case against Israel at the ICJ; Chile later filed a formal declaration of intervention with the Court.

– May 28, 2025 (defense/diplomatic downgrade): Chile withdrew its military/defense/air attachés from its embassy in Tel Aviv, citing the “very serious humanitarian situation” in Gaza and obstacles to humanitarian aid (official Foreign Ministry communiqué) (BioBioChile, 2025; Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile, 2025).

– June 1, 2025: In his annual address, Boric said he supported an arms embargo proposal and planned legislation related to banning imports from “illegally occupied territories” (as reported by Reuters).

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