A Call For White Identity Politics:
Ed Brodow’s The War on Whites

1,597 words

Ed Brodow
The War on Whites: How Hating White People Became the New National Sport
Ed Brodow/TousDroit Publishing, 2023

When will white conservatives finally wake up? White racialists have been asking that question for decades now. The Democratic Party unabashedly practices identity politics in order to advance the racial interests of its black, Hispanic, Asian, and Jewish constituents. The Republicans, on the other hand, generally refuse to engage in white identity politics, to the detriment of their overwhelmingly white voting base. In an increasingly diverse America, identity politics are the name of the game, and the Republicans all too often refuse to play.

There is a silver lining to the rise of explicitly anti-white identity politics. The reliable Republican strategy of paying lip service to the concerns of whites on racial issues while ultimately prioritizing tax cuts for the wealthiest, pointless wars, and a steady supply of cheap foreign labor may not work for much longer. White voters are noticing the constant racial double standards and anti-white propaganda that are endemic in American society, and they don’t like it one bit.

Because white racial consciousness is growing, figures on the mainstream Right have started to discuss topics that had until very recently been taboo. Ironically, it is the Left that we ought to thank for this. Because the Democrats have made their contempt toward whites so blatantly obvious, Republicans must now at least appear to mount some sort of opposition lest disillusioned white voters start to seek out more radical alternatives.

When I discovered last week that a mainstream conservative writer had recently written a book called The War on Whites, I was intrigued. Could it be? A conservative willing to tell the whole truth about race? The author, Ed Brodow, penned an article titled “I’m a White Man. I’m a Victim of Racism.” Though it was published in Newsweek, Brodow’s piece could just as easily have appeared in American Renaissance. He recalls being the victim of racially-motivated violence at the hands of blacks while growing up in a majority-black neighborhood in New York and calls the notion that whites can’t be the victims of racism “ridiculous.” He also writes that

I’m very disturbed when I hear about White people who fall for this whole thing and start asking for forgiveness for being White. I can’t imagine forcing someone to apologize for their skin color. But that’s going on, and has to stop.

This is certainly a message we can get behind, and I was excited to begin reading The War on Whites in order to hear more of what he had to say. The book begins with a short Introduction which is only a few paragraphs long. Frankly, I was stunned by its boldness. For example, it includes this passage:

Whites are being demonized and marginalized at every turn. Any attempt to say, “I am proud to be White” is meant with scorn and ridicule. As a defense against this racist behavior, I have become an advocate for white people.

He goes on to write that:

The white population is not being given enough credit for its contributions. White men founded our republic. White men ended slavery. Whites are largely responsible for the

day-to-day commerce that puts food on the table and clothes on our backs. Like it or not, white people drive the engine that makes our country work. Their track record isn’t perfect, but their values stand as a role-model for the world.

You can buy Greg Johnson’s White Identity Politics here.

Brodow notes that white Americans voted to grant civil rights to minorities. But, he asks, “What are they getting in return? Contempt, hatred, and intolerance.” He writes that “[i]t is time to declare that white people are victimized by racism and are entitled to government protection as much as any other group.”

Within the first few pages of the book, Brodow has already called for whites to organize and advocate for themselves on the basis of race. He sees through the insidious lie that a positive racial identity among whites is somehow less legitimate than it is for other groups. It would seem that, rather than condemning white identity politics, Brodow believes we need more of it. Needless to say, the book is off to an excellent start.

The War on Whites’ greatest strength is the sheer quantity of evidence that Brodow presents to his readers. Brodow does more than enough to prove that there is indeed a war being waged against whites. He covers many of the bases that seasoned white advocates will be familiar with: discrimination against whites in government programs, the demonization of whites by the media, anti-white propaganda in schools, black-on-white crime, the rise of the corporate diversity bureaucracy, and even the decline of white actors in commercials. If you are a regular reader of Counter-Currents and other racialist websites, it is unlikely that you would hear anything in The War on Whites that you haven’t already heard before. However, someone who has just begun to follow racial issues would surely gain plenty of useful knowledge from it.

One of the book’s most refreshing aspects was Brodow’s willingness to criticize blacks. As in the Newsweek article, he refers to his childhood experiences in New York:

I did not have to create an imaginary scenario for Black America. What I witnessed on a daily basis was a segment of our population that was out of control. Here were people who regularly acted out their anger, who treated each other with contempt, and whose religion was self-pity.

Brodow likewise stresses that rampant black crime is not a thing of the past. “Black violence,” he writes, “has brought civil society to its knees.” The violent crime statistics that white advocates know well are recounted in all of their gory detail, laying bare the unvarnished truth about race and criminality in America. He also excoriates blacks for their often resentful attitudes towards whites, and dismantles the lies of systemic racism and white privilege. He defends those whites who have moved out of the cities to get away from black crime, and mercilessly tears apart arguments for reparations. He even half-jokingly suggests that it is whites who should be asking for reparations from blacks, arguing that “the economic cost to whites and white businesses from black racial violence has amounted to billions.” Brodow deserves a great deal of credit for writing so forthrightly on the topic of race. I am not aware of any political office-holder in the United States today who stands up for white people with such boldness.

Though there is much to applaud about The War on Whites, the book is not without its shortcomings. First, despite being a relatively short book, it is very repetitive. Brodow uses many of the same quotations from other sources to make the same arguments in multiple chapters. I fear that many readers will be annoyed by this. Secondly, Brodow does not discuss the role of immigration policy in the Left’s anti-white program. The social and psychological fronts of the war against white people are thoroughly documented by Brodow, but the demographic front goes entirely unmentioned.

Also absent from The War on Whites is any reference to genetic explanations for racial differences in intelligence or criminality. Instead, readers are given the typical conservative explanations for black dysfunction: fatherlessness, the growth of the welfare state, and a culture that does not emphasize personal responsibility. Brodow claims that the reason Asians have been more successful than blacks is due to the latter’s “victim mentality.” He also believes that black poverty can be solved by “replacing the “give me free stuff” welfare system with programs that prepare low-income blacks for self-sufficiency.” He also buys into the false notion that, with the right government interventions, statistical disparities between blacks and whites can be eliminated. While liberals and Leftists blame white racism for these disparities, conservatives such as Brodow blame a combination of black culture and Democrat-supported welfare policies. Yet, both ignore the innate biological differences that exist between the races.

While I was mildly disappointed that the Great Replacement and race realism were not included, easily the most regrettable aspect of The War on Whites was Brodow’s downright worshipful stance towards the civil rights movement. This attitude is evident in the way that he criticizes the Biden administration’s anti-white policies. Biden, he writes, “is erasing the gains of the civil rights movement as well as the hope expressed by Dr. King that people will be judged by the content of their character instead of the color of their skin.” As someone who knows the truth about Dr. King and his movement, I cannot help but cringe whenever a conservative lavishes praise upon him. Brodow also rails against identity politics as currently practiced by non-whites, and yearns for an America where all racial groups get along peacefully and race ceases to be of any importance. Yet, The War on Whites is clearly an implicit call for white identity politics. How else but through collective political action on the part of whites can the injustices that Brodow rightfully opposes be stopped?

The War on Whites’ great contradiction is that the two causes that Brodow champions, white advocacy and colorblind conservatism, are incompatible. This is a dilemma that all conservatives who are now flirting with white identity politics must eventually come to terms with. I believe that the unattainable fantasy of a post-racial America will eventually lose its grip on the white psyche. When that occurs, I sincerely hope that Ed Brodow will be among those who will join us in the inevitable, necessary, and morally unimpeachable struggle for white independence.

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