The great Danish philosopher Søren Kierkegaard defined “faith as immediacy after reflection,” and I can think of no greater aphorism to illustrate the essentiality of the “Trumpian Revolution” and the impending role it’s bound to play in the furthering of White Nationalism. Donald Trump is no savior, no “Emperor of Mankind,” and certainly no friend to White Nationalism; he, or rather the movement he’s inspired, is however a vital metapolitical bridge to be utilized in the service of White Nationalism. Metapolitics is the dialectical process through which cultural change ushers in tangible political change. My Kierkegaardian faith isn’t in Trump the man, nor in the specious belief that actual change can occur within the contemporary American political milieu, but rather “faith” in the seemingly real possibility that actual metapolitical change can be cultivated as a byproduct of the “Trumpian Revolution” and be transformed into a political environment where White Nationalism may thrive.
Globally, the white race is in decline, our people are quite literally facing the threat of eventual mass extinction, and this is in large part due to the egalitarian-humanistic paradigm that permeates America and the Western world. The demographic erasure of the white race is a very real, very existential threat and as such the plausibility of our possible extinction, and the sociopolitical forces that animate such a possibility, may be sublimated to catalyze revolutionary change. In The Concept of the Political, Carl Schmitt opined that “the political” is a question of life versus death, of the dichotomy of friend and enemy, and this definition of “the political” is of extreme importance to the current plight of our people. In the Schmittian sense, the imperilment of the white race posed by the ideology of egalitarian-humanism is an existential threat to our peoples’ continued existence, and it’s from this sense of imperiled decline that the white race can muster the strength necessary for survival.
But how is the very possibility of racial extinction, as made manifest by the existential threat posed by egalitarian-humanism, interrelated to the so-called “Trumpian Revolution”? In short, the relation is multifaceted. The ideological underpinnings that form the theoretical superstructure of egalitarian-humanism is first and foremost antithetical to the “immoral calculus” which animates the natural world. Nature is illiberal and hierarchical, and when human social institutions deviate from the inegalitarian nature of existence, they do so at their own peril. Secondly, social mammalian species, specifically primates, of which Homo sapiens are a part, are resilient to change. The larger the social change, the greater the level of resistance to said change. Succinctly put, the natural world has a predisposition for the correction of aberration, and it is my belief that the specter of racial extinction, as it is gradually revealed to the larger segments of the population, can be utilized as a force to elicit white racial preservation.
In the book Re-Forging America, T. Lothrop Stoddard posited that the immigration restriction movement was an awakening of the American people to the existential threat of mass immigration and the threat posed by the “colored races,” and further that America would forever remain an Anglo-Saxon nation by virtue of this awakening. Stoddard was a visionary, but overly optimistic in this assessment, and by and large this overzealous optimism was rooted in the fact that America, i.e. the Northwestern European racial stock that was America, was not yet in true existential jeopardy. According to data from the 1920 Census, the total population of the United States of America was just over one hundred five million, and more importantly ninety percent white in racial composition, whereas according to the 2010 Census there are just over three hundred eight million “Americans” and less than seventy-two percent are white. It should be noted that these numbers are misleading as they are based on “self-identification” and don’t possess clearly delineated genotypic categories. As we’ve established, humans resist change, and 1920s America wasn’t yet in a precarious enough position to harness a sense of impending doom as a transformative force, whereas contemporary America is.
We contemporary Americans, actual Americans of European stock, are approaching a point of cataclysmic racial critical mass, and our very existence is menaced by the growing threat of racial extinction, which is a very real possibility. Stoddard and his more astute contemporaries were prescient of the impending potential of white demographic collapse, but existed in a world still dominated by the white race. Contrast this to the predicament that we find ourselves in in postmodern America, and a very different picture emerges. More to the point, because our collective racial backs are pinned up against a wall, we are in a position to overcome any resilience to societal change and to do what is necessary for the preservation of our race. As Carl Schmitt posited, political action becomes possible when one’s existence is menaced by “the Other,” and I can think of no other time in world history when the white race has faced so dangerous an “Other” as the insidious machinations of egalitarian-humanism and the alien forces that perpetuate that vicious ideology.
As Nietzsche mused, “man is something that shall be overcome,” and the existential threat posed by the annihilation of our race is a powerful force that can be channeled positively into a racial awakening. Trump is merely a man; an interesting man, but a man nonetheless. The power of Trump, however, emanates from what he represents. More specifically, Trump and the so-called “Trumpian Revolution” represent a return to normative values which are implicitly white in orientation: minimalistic government, “Faustian individualism” over “Marxian collectivism,” European-Christianity and the traditional sociocultural mores that accompany it, and a whole host of other societal attributes that are uniquely endemic to the white racial soul. These socio-racial qualifiers in and of themselves mean nothing, and have been and will continue to be coopted and spoon-fed to the masses as the “traditional” deracinated pillars of “Americanism.”
However, and this is where the system of egalitarian-humanism has failed time after time, these societal traits are useless when applied to and employed by non-European peoples. You can promote the merits of individualism to the black American community, you can even put statistical outliers like Herman Cain on Fox News, but the simple fact of the matter is that sociocultural ideals, values, and the material and immaterial institutions that they form are proprietary knowledge of the people who produced them, and emulation by alien peoples is a futile endeavor.
Moreover, the power of the “Trumpian Revolution” stems from the racially exclusive operability of the sociocultural attributes that the movement espouses. Culture and its existential output is intrinsic to the people whose unique ethnohistory produces it, and the transposition of sociocultural abstractions to a people incapable of mimicking said cultural norms will always, statistically speaking, end in abject failure. White Nationalism is necessary because it’s the only ideology able to reverse our demographic decline, and any potential establishment political force which sheds a spotlight on our racial plight, no matter how subtly, is a force that can be exploited towards our ultimate metapolitical objective: white preservation.
The “Trumpian Revolution” will awaken whites to the very real possibility of their racial extinction by a circuitous metapolitical mechanism which emphasizes white/European uniqueness, specifically by their relation to “the [colored] Other.” The policies being implemented by Trump are hypertrophied Republican principles on steroids, and their implementation will not only prove to be deleterious to non-white peoples, but serve to illustrate the divergence that exists between whites and non-whites. The Republican Party, like the Democratic Party, are two sides of the same liberal-humanistic paradigm; however, historically speaking, the “economic primacy” of the GOP has served whites relatively better than the colored identity politics of the Democrats, and even a statistically marginal difference in both individual and collective group performance will pay out in exceptional social dividends. For instance, the failure of infrastructure spending in majority black cities like Detroit or Chicago will catalyze more spending and more government expansion, while paradoxically acting to agitate Trump’s base (i.e. working and middle-class whites). Agitation is a proverbial hop, skip, and a jump away from infuriation, which leads to alienation, and social alienation leads to unrest, and from unrest is birthed an openness to transformation.
The power of the “Trumpian Revolution” stems from its potential to subtly awaken white racial identity vis-à-vis our peoples’ relation to other non-white peoples. The metapolitical climate propagated by the implicit whiteness of Donald Trump has in turn shifted the “Overton Window” on what discourse is deemed socially acceptable and has highlighted racial differences via the failed emulation of white patrimony by non-white peoples. This, in conjunction with a rapidly dwindling, incrementally agitated white population, will give birth to an ideological bridge to a mainstream American society susceptible to the ideals of White Nationalism, and thus may be the force of awakening necessary for the salvation of our race.
1. Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007).
2. C. Schradin, A. Lindholm, J. Johannesen, I. Schoepf, C. Yuen, B. König, & N. Pillay, “Social flexibility and social evolution in mammals: a case study of the African striped mouse (Rhabdomys pumilio).”
3. T. Lothrop Stoddard, Re-Forging America: The Story of Our Nationhood (San Francisco: Blurb, 2017).
4. Wikipedia, “Historical racial and ethnic demographics of the United States.”
6. Schmitt, The Concept of the Political.
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