Always on the Wrong Side:
F. C. Comtaose
US-Chinese Foreign Policy, 1844 to the Present—Part One
Part 1 of 2 (Part 2 here)
It is unquestionably true that today’s China has grown into a major geopolitical, economic, and military rival of America, with both an active ambition and an increasing capacity to challenge, threaten, and eventually dethrone America on the global stage in the coming decades if globalization, through which China has demonstrably been the foremost beneficiary, continues unabated. Furthermore, as I have pointed out before, China’s dramatic and meteoric rise in the past three decades was mainly enabled by the Jewish and gentile globalist plutocrats among the Western elites, and also fueled by a misguided and wrongheaded image of China in the minds of Western people shaped by misinformation or ignorance. China has ruthlessly and unsparingly exploited this situation to its own advantage to achieve its present powerful position.
In the future, if White Nationalism prevails in the West, a White Nationalist state, having a sound grip on the Chinese question, will disengage itself from China comprehensively, thus denying it of its predatory trade practices and preventing it from overwhelming the West, provided it’s not too late. In order to expedite this imperative, it is necessary to comb through the history of American foreign policy towards China in order to identify various grave mistakes, draw important lessons, and help people perceive what went wrong that grew into today’s abysmal situation so that an accurate historical picture can be formed to guide the West’s response to the Chinese menace.
Late Nineteenth Century to Early 1900s
The first landmark deal between America and China was a trade agreement signed between China’s Manchurian dynasty and the US government in July 1844 in the Wangxia village of Macao, which followed the Treaty of Nanking with the British Empire in August 1842 and helped established the first American bridgehead in China for trade and missionary work. From that agreement until the early twentieth century, America, along with other imperial Western powers such as Britain and France, garnered enormous commercial benefits from this relationship, while also helping to modernize a politically and economically backward China through the introduction of Western educational practices, science, and technology. Prior to this time, China had remained a half-feudal, half-colonized country, mired in severe poverty and internal turmoil on the whole, but now began slowly reforming and biding its time until it could avenge itself, simmering with resentment and vengefulness.
It ought to be kept in mind that China undoubtedly had a vast potential in terms of its population. Once it was equipped with Western technologies and developed a nationalist core, China was well on the way toward posing a major challenge to the Western powers. Then, at the turn of the century, the bloody Boxers’ Rebellion erupted, and many civilians, both Western and Chinese, were brutally slaughtered by a combined force of the barbaric Boxers and the Chinese Imperial Army. The rebellion was finally put down following a an attack on Beijing by a combined expeditionary force of eight colonial powers. Following this, the Treaty of Beijing was signed in September 1901 between China and Britain, America, Japan, Russia, France, Germany, Italy, and Austro-Hungary, stipulating heavy Chinese indemnities.
In the wake of the Treaty, harboring legitimate concerns about the potential danger from China, the various Western powers seriously considered carving China up into separate states so as to prevent a potentially unified and modernized China from exacting revenge on them. This was admittedly a ruthless but geopolitically astute and prescient preventive approach if we look at the insufferable arrogance and impudence of China today. However, a universal agreement on China failed to be reached because America, and America alone, expressed adamant opposition, instead counter-proposing its own doctrine of “open door and equal benefits” (门户开放、利益均沾) to guarantee equal commercial rights all over China, a proposal that resembled today’s globalist free-market mantra and reflected America’s selfish motives.
America reckoned that maintaining a holistic and undivided Chinese market would facilitate its trade with China without having to deal with the other powers, and that it would also help to foster good relations with the Chinese. And indeed, America aided China indirectly by setting up schools and by supporting Chinese students to study in the US. This strategy of winning Chinese hearts and minds with the goal of establishing a long-term US-Chinese relationship was also consistent with the nature of the post-Cold War relationship between the two countries. Here we see that a profit-oriented, mercantile American policy based on greed, but devoid of racial or geopolitical foresight, had paved the way for China’s potential rise. Fast forward to today: a gargantuan and powerful China is running rampant in the world, polluting the Earth, plundering global resources, encroaching on the living space of the Western peoples, stealing their jobs, and swaggering around making lurid military threats.
All of these perilous signs, with potentially disastrous results for the West, grew from the bitter seeds planted by America over a century ago.
1900s to 1945
From the 1900s through the 1930s, until the outbreak of the Second World War, the infusion of America’s money and technologies (and to a lesser degree, those of other Western powers) through both official and clandestine dealings made it huge profits in China while likewise aiding China’s incremental rise. This eventually led to the strategically disastrous Communist triumph in China in 1949. Tens of thousands of starry-eyed American businessmen and missionaries poured into China, blinded by a vast and untapped market and seemingly endless opportunities offered by its huge population. They opened factories and firms, set up schools and hospitals, and preached a race-blind and humanitarian doctrine of Christianity to the Chinese masses, just like what Westerners had been doing in Africa and elsewhere in the world, in total disregard for historical and racial realities and with the aim of converting an alien and ruthlessly selfish nation into a Westernized and civilized one.
The only difference here is that while the Chinese were collectively as amoral, uncivilized, and ungrateful as, if not more so, as other Third Worlders, they happened to possess a high IQ, an ineradicable mental complex of Chinese supremacy, and a ruthless ambition for achieving future dominance, all tactfully hidden beneath a shiny veneer of unctuous diplomatic noise and feigned friendliness. At that time, few Westerners in China possessed a thorough knowledge of the country, and therefore lacked the intellectual courage and candor to cut through the fog and get to the core of the Chinese national character. One exception was an American diplomat named Ralph Townsend, who had resided in China for years at the US consulates in Shanghai and Amoy, who authored an insightful and brutally honest book on the Chinese in 1933. The book exposed a starkly different China from the rosy-colored picture being painted by liberal American missionaries and venal businessmen, and it examined the innate vices and dangers of the Chinese nationality in a meticulous and gripping fashion. The book is still available on Amazon and other bookselling outlets online, and anyone with an interest in understanding the Chinese is strongly advised to read this invaluable book.
With the looming Chinese-Japanese conflict, the Jewish- and Communist-infested Roosevelt administration in the US was desperate to goad Japan into a military conflict with America in order to smash nationalist Japan as a challenger to America’s oligarchic business interests in the region. At the same time, the US-Japanese war was to be used as a “backdoor” strategy to drag America into the war against National Socialist Germany. It is noteworthy that the infamous Pearl Harbor attack that triggered the Pacific War was in fact a Roosevelt stratagem aimed at forcing Japan to fire the first shot. Despite Japan’s repeated peace overtures and its heavy concessions to the US, the Hull Note, named after US Secretary of State Cordell Hull, was issued to Japan as an ultimatum with the explicit purpose of compelling Japan into desperate military action against the US by making impossible demands, in line with both Roosevelt and Stalin’s intent. And indeed, it was the straw that broke the Japanese camel’s back.
It must also be noted that Franklin Roosevelt’s maternal grandfather, Warren Delano, arguably the largest opium dealer in American history, had had extensive business interests in the Chinese mainland and Manchuria. And indeed, his criminal interests in China were badly hurt by Japan’s position there, which quite conceivably also contributed to FDR’s willful hostility toward Japan and his persistent push for war, amply demonstrated by the anti-Japanese propaganda he fostered, as well as the unilateral sanctions and asset-freezing against Japan that succeeded in igniting and prolonging the war, leading to millions of casualties on both sides, and eventually handing China over to Communism on a silver platter. The Pacific War was a premeditated move by FDR and his cohorts, and was seen as a defensive war by Japan, even in the eyes of Japan’s former enemies once the wartime animosity subsided and coolheadedness returned.
Ralph Townsend’s book likewise contained some first-hand analysis of the situation in China in 1933, particularly Japan’s seizure of Manchuria in 1931, unlike anything you’ve read before. There was also another anti-war American, a brave adventurer-turned-journalist named Frederic Vincent Williams, who also wrote a book giving his honest assessment of the Japanese-Chinese conflict and his incisive analysis of the dangers posed by Chinese Communism and the follies of American policy vis-à-vis both China and Japan. For their courageous and defiant stance against FDR’s policies, both Townsend and Williams were tried at the “sedition” show-trials of FDR’s wartime kangaroo court and were sentenced to several years’ imprisonment.
1946 to 1949
While it may be debatable whether the US-led war against Japan was carried out for “international justice” and to “defend China against the Japanese aggression,” a closer study of history will show this claim to be dubious at best and fallacious at worst. American aid and assistance to the Communist Chinese forces at the expense of its own ally in the nationalist Chinese regime was nothing short of perfidious, as it led directly to the Communist takeover of mainland China in 1949 and gave birth to the Chinese bully that is today threatening to annex democratic Taiwan by brute force and intimidating its neighboring states from India to Japan, not to mention provoking and harming America at every turn. The Communist victory in China was a monumental event in world history with an incalculably negative legacy which persists today, amply demonstrating the sheer folly of America’s foreign policy with China.
While the overly generous concessions FDR made to Stalin regarding Eastern Europe at Yalta are well-known to Westerners, those in the Far East are much less-known, even among the educated. FDR allowed the Soviets to have Manchuria after Japan’s defeat, leading to a million Japanese soldiers being deported to Siberia for hard labor, and what’s more, most of the industrial infrastructure and stockpiles of weapons that were surrendered by Japan were transferred by the Soviets to Mao’s forces, giving the otherwise poorly-equipped and backward bandit army a considerable advantage in its war with the nationalist army of Chiang Kai-shek.
In the ensuing civil war, the actions of the US government, regardless of its apparent stance, were inexplicably stupid and self-defeating. It provided substantial assistance, both materially and morally, to the Maoist side while constantly betraying and backstabbing its ostensible nationalist allies, reneging on promised military aid and constantly pressuring the latter to engage in “peace talks” with the Communists, even when the nationalist forces were only a few steps away from decisively annihilating the Communists. These commie-placators included such names as Harry Truman, George Marshall, Dean Acheson, and John Leighton Stuart, with Marshall playing an especially nefarious role by interfering with and micromanaging Chiang’s forces and bullying him into negotiating and compromising with Mao. The American ambassador to China, Stuart, the narcissist dreamer, was reluctant to leave even after the Communist forces sacked the capital Nanking, and was finally forced flee, tail between his legs, after being mocked and humiliated in Mao’s lampoon, “Farewell to Leighton Stuart.” The only notable figure on the American side who maintained a sober view of China from early on and mustered some resistance to the establishment’s policies was General Albert Wedemeyer, whose stern warning about the peril of the Communists however fell largely on deaf ears.
While it is understandable that Americans have always approached their foreign policy with a missionary faith, this often manifests as an unprincipled, mind-addling compassion and universal love in the form of indiscriminate tolerance and trust, often directed toward the wrong objects, as in the Chinese Civil War. Leftist and egalitarian values and ideas obviously played a formative role in generating and enabling such compassion and abuse of tolerance. The result was that America failed to correctly discern which was the lesser of the two evils during the most critical moment in contemporary Asian history.
After the outbreak of the Korean War and the long-overdue, and yet incomplete, “Red purge” back in the US, “who lost China?” became a hotly-debated topic in American politics. But it was already too late. China had indeed been lost through the combination of an incompetent nationalist Chinese regime and a naïve and unreliable American establishment. All the major offshoots from this, from the 1949 founding of Red China to the Korean War, the Vietnam War, and today’s menacing China, are all poisonous flowers growing out of the wicked seeds America planted in the 1940s. Call it karma.
1950s to 2010s
From the 1950s until the mid-1960s, as a result of the Korean War (in which China was the cardinal enemy of the US) and the rise of an anti-Communist atmosphere in the US and the West generally (too little, too late), the US had kept a vigilant distance from Red China, cutting off all relations and assisting nationalist Taiwan, albeit inadequately and half-heartedly. But the plutocratic Western elites from the Rothschilds to the Rockefellers never stopped ogling Red China through secret channels that they maintained with both it and those in the US government who harbored similar aims.
Some important changes took place which slowly gave rise to a more open and conciliatory US attitude toward China, and which led to the ominous thawing of their bilateral relations. The important changes were, first, the Soviet Union’s transformation from an international Communist regime to a Slavic nationalist one; second, the rapid deterioration and final breakup of Soviet-Chinese relations; and third, the intensification of the US-Soviet rivalry on the world stage. As soon as the early 1960s, the signs of a Chinese-Soviet estrangement were already there as manifested both in China’s internal politics and the 1962 border war between China and India, the latter having been a major ally of the Soviet Union. Then, in 1969, China and the Soviet Union fought a border war of their own along the disputed border between the Soviet far east and China’s northeast, which heralded the irreversible dissolution of the alliance between the two Red giants.
From then on, even in official Chinese propaganda, the Soviet Union was depicted in such terms as “revisionist” and “socialist-imperialist” and began to stand on a par with the old enemy, “imperialist America,” as the two avowed archenemies of the Chinese people. And it was exactly from that time on, due to the combined effect of the aforementioned factors, that the US and Red China began to approach each other under the table as the US went into action to feed the fledgling Chinese dragon in order to alleviate the threat from a full-grown Russian bear.
A revealing anecdote is that during the height of Soviet-Chinese tensions, sometime around the early 1970s, the Soviet Union seriously contemplated carrying out nuclear strikes on China. This information was seized by American intelligence, and the US government informed China about it through pre-established secret channels, forcing the Soviets to abort their plan. It has also been alleged that China’s nuclear program in the early 1960s was clandestinely aided by Israel and its agents in the US. All the mutual maneuverings between the US and China culminated in the premeditated and meticulously-designed visit of President Nixon to China in 1972, which led to the formal establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations in 1979 and the subsequent honeymoon years of exponential trade growth, continuing all the way to today’s “Chimerica,” the celebrated paradigm of globalization and interdependence.
The late Chinese paramount leader Deng Xiaoping’s “reform and opening up” policy ushered in a torrential flow of Western capital and technological investment from the US, Europe, and Japan into China, which has continued uninterrupted to this day with only minor glitches or fluctuations. Such non-stop injections of fresh capital and up-to-date technological know-how have fattened China and tremendously boosted the growth of its strength and competency; the treachery of Bill Clinton, prompted by his own corrupt relationship with China plus his cabinet members’ incessant promotion of better relations with the country, enabled China’s accession to the World Trade Organization and opened up a path for China to prey on America and other Western countries with predatory trade practices under the protection of the essentially anti-white global free trade scheme.
Such a futile policy of “engaging with” (read: selling out to) China began during the Papa Bush administration, was pushed to new heights during the Clinton administration, and was inherited and carried on by the George W. Bush and Obama administrations. It has always been based on wishful thinking at best, and has brought nothing but harm to America. And while President Trump used to talk tough on China, as George W. Bush once did, his expectation that he can rely on China to help with the North Korean nuclear crisis is utterly misplaced. Such involvement would only give China new leverage and compromise America’s security even further, considering China’s wicked craftiness and North Korea’s consistent willingness to talk to the US directly.
All in all, in only three decades, China has grown from a poor agrarian state, a “mild and friendly” giant panda, to an enormous, fire-spitting, muscle-flexing dragon breathing down the neck of not only its neighboring countries but also of the US and Japan, thanks to generous subsidies from the West in general and America in particular. Having amassed astronomical levels of wealth through its nasty trade deal with America, built a formidable military, acquired huge amounts of American debt, and used bribery and theft to plunder American assets and high technology through multifaceted espionage activities in the guise of “economic” or “academic” exchange, China is now poised to do what it has long aspired to do: achieve world domination, displace and dismantle America, and dispossess and subjugate the white race.
 The book is titled Ways that are Dark: The Truth about China, which is available on Amazon. As a side note, it has also been translated into Japanese with a new Preface penned by Willis Carto. Those who can read Japanese may have an interest in taking a look.
 Douglas MacArthur, the supreme US commander in the fight against Japan during the Pacific War and an avowed enemy of Japan, testified to the US Senate in May 1951, shortly after his dismissal by President Truman in the midst of the Korean War. When referring to Japan during and after the war, he explicitly stated: “. . . Their purpose, therefore, in going to war was largely dictated by security.” The famous geostrategist George Kennan made a similar remark on a separate occasion, which I paraphrase as follows: “America had defeated and expelled Japan from the Chinese mainland, Manchuria, and Korea, and seemingly fulfilled her goals, only to see herself now burdened, on Japan’s behalf, with all the problems and responsibilities of this region that Japan had faced and dealt with in the last half-century.”
 The book’s English original seems to have been lost, but fortunately a Japanese translation titled 中国の戦争宣伝の内幕－日中戦争の真実 (The Inside Story of China’s War Propaganda and the Truth of the Japanese-Chinese War) is still available online from Japanese Amazon, and those who can read Japanese might be interested.
 Albert C. Wedemeyer was sent to China in late 1944, as the successor to Joseph Stilwell, as the Chief of Staff of the Allied forces and as commander of American forces in China. Unlike his predecessor, the acerbic and aloof Stilwell, who had irreparably damaged his relationship with Chiang, Wedemeyer was calm, affable, and judicious in his words and actions. While being critical of the corruption and ineptitude of the nationalist Chinese government, he rightly outlined the immeasurable danger posed by the Communist menace in China and called for the US to continue to strengthen its support for the nationalists in his report to the US government.
 In a manuscript dictated by Senator Joseph R. McCarthy in 1951 titled America’s Retreat from Victory: The Story of George Catlett Marshall, McCarthy exposed and denounced the perfidies of Marshall and Dean Acheson and their disastrous consequences for China, and he boldly declared: “America made Communist China!” Also notable is a manuscript by Cornell Simpson from 1966 entitled The Death of James Forrestal, which scrutinized the ostensible suicide of the first US Secretary of Defense and concluded that it was highly dubious, besides uncovering hidden historical facts, including the pro-Chinese Communist activities of George Marshall and other members of the US political and military establishment.
 Dr. Kerry Bolton’s provocative and contentious book Stalin: The Enduring Legacy discusses the Soviet Union’s move away from its former Marxist doctrines the late Stalinist period onwards, and contrasts the resurgent nationalism of the post-war Soviet Union, which was rooted in Russian soil and history, with the cosmopolitan globalism of the anti-Stalin factions within the Soviet establishment and their followers in the West. He has also written some other essays on similar themes here at Counter-Currents.
 In his masterfully written and highly-acclaimed book Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, Michael Collins Piper disclosed that China’s program for nuclear weapons development received clandestine support and assistance from Israel, and President Kennedy had decided to launch an attack on the Chinese nuclear facilities shortly before he was assassinated by dark forces associated with the Tribe.
 The massacre of student protesters by the Chinese government in 1989 caused a temporary freeze in the US-Chinese relationship. But soon afterwards, George H. W. Bush sent his special envoy, Brent Scowcroft, to secretly meet with Deng in Beijing, and before long bilateral trade and other exchanges were reinstated. It is noteworthy that Papa Bush’s unique background drew him close to the Chinese inner political circles from early on. In the late 1970s, Bush had been stationed in Beijing with his wife as a CIA overseas director, and that experience might have endeared him to the Chinese and vice versa, with secret deals between the Bush family and the Chinese leadership having been rumored, which also explains why the two terms of his son’s Presidency were said to be the “golden eight years for China’s development” (according to official Chinese sources).
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