Note: This essay, whose author wishes to remain anonymous, is based on a talk recently given at a private nationalist gathering in the United States.
History, as we know, does not flow evenly. Those of us old enough to remember the Cold War will recall that for several decades the east and west blocs faced off like two tectonic plates, as the world waited for an earthquake that never seemed to arrive. Then, in the latter months of 1989, instead of the long-feared World War III, the Warsaw Pact simply collapsed in on itself within a few weeks. I remember the jokes at the time that future generations of college students would take survey courses with titles like “European History, October to December of 1989.”
Of course, during apparent “slow” phases of history like the Cold War, more is happening than appears at first sight. Significant changes go on below the surface, eventually manifesting themselves in sudden and unpredictable ways. Politics, indeed, can be understood as the surface of history. It is where everything seems to happen, but politics often does not so much determine events as respond to more gradual patterns of change constantly going on beneath the surface.
The tasks of a political movement differ according to whether it is operating in a slow or a fast phase of history. During the slowest phases, little can be accomplished directly, in the realm of politics proper, i.e., at the surface of events. Long-range thinking is essential. The groundwork must be carefully laid for future political action. Those of us now working for the cause of white self-determination have spent our entire lives in this realm of slow history. With the regime under which we live largely defining itself by way of vehement opposition to all our aims, we have had little time for any activity other than publicism: conveying our ideas to any remaining open minds out there, trying gradually to increase the number of our sympathizers.
As many of you have experienced, this has left us vulnerable to a certain type of criticism, viz., that we are mere “idle talkers”; our conferences are a waste of time and our organizations not worth supporting, for we will never actually get off our rear ends to accomplish anything for our people. Unfortunately, such critics usually do not have any clearer idea than we do of precisely what sort of action might be effective in the present context. They want to storm barricades which have not yet been set up. They are impatient to be living in a faster phase of history, and fail to understand that such phases of opportunity cannot be wished into existence. They must be prepared long in advance, and doing so involves a lot of publicity work, i.e. precisely talking.
Nevertheless, signs are accumulating that we are heading toward a faster phase of history. Let’s look at some. Racial preferences have been in place for most of our lifetimes, and they were always unjust, but in my own youth they mostly affected those at the margins. You might not get into your first choice of school, but you would get in somewhere and could probably make up for any disadvantage by working harder. The worst thing about egalitarian propaganda in the curriculum was the time and attention it took away from more important matters. Otherwise, it was mostly safe to ignore it.
This is no longer the situation young white students are facing. I call to your attention an article which appeared on Revolver this past June: “Colleges are Ethnically Cleansing America’s White Kulaks.” It makes clear that white students are being eliminated from elite colleges and universities several times faster than can be accounted for by demographic decline alone. If the author had disaggregated Jews from white gentiles, the numbers would surely have been even starker, but universities deliberately make this difficult to do. The anti-white content of the curriculum for those who do get in also goes well beyond the egalitarianism of the past, casting whites as the oppressor class in a quasi-Marxist vision of zero-sum group struggle. Very soon, if not already, we must conclude that no modus vivendi is any longer possible between our people and institutions like these.
A similar situation prevails in the armed forces. Following the brazen theft of the last presidential election, some veterans and active-duty personnel took part in the January 6 protest at the Capitol. Once Biden was installed as President, his new black Secretary of Defense announced that the military’s most urgent priority was purging such “extremists” from its ranks, i.e. white supporters of Donald Trump’s milquetoast civic nationalism. This group includes most of the young people who might be interested in a military career. As you have probably heard, all branches of the military are now experiencing unprecedented difficulties in meeting recruitment goals. Whitey is a slow learner, but he appears to finally be getting the message: He is now the enemy the military is meant to defend his country from.
Similar processes are afoot in the corporate world. For a long time, executives would meet behind closed doors with their legal advisors and ask, “Exactly how many of those people do I have to hire to avoid trouble?” There really was a fairly definite number, nowhere printed in black and white, but which it was the business of corporate lawyers to know. The resulting hires were viewed as a cost of doing business, and they did not affect top management. Today, nominally “private” investment banks have undertaken to dictate the ethnic composition of the governance boards of all companies they take public. If you don’t like it, start your own Goldman Sachs.
When a disfavored group gets purged from society’s leading institutions, it does not simply disappear, though that is no doubt what the current elite would like. As Sam Francis phrased it, the purged begin to accumulate within sub-elites and in the mass population, polarizing and destabilizing the regime. This process, now clearly underway, will probably make more people receptive to our ideas over the next few years than have all our own publications and conferences for several decades. It is creating a lot of angry, confused people in need of support and a flag to rally around. This is what I am referring to when I say that history is showing signs of speeding up.
Obviously, we must continue to publicize our ideas and hold conferences. But we will have new tasks as well in this new historical phase. It will become increasingly important to provide tangible benefits to victims of the regime, including many who do not share all our beliefs. Some European nationalist groups have understood the importance of such work better than we have. For example, Greece’s Golden Dawn has provided security services to Greeks living in heavily “enriched” urban neighborhoods.
One important service we might perform is providing aid and comfort — and legal representation — to our brethren who have been “canceled” from gainful employment simply for speaking their minds. Many have only recently become aware of this problem, which has its roots in the Managerial Regime itself, whose very nature is to create dependency: Most people’s livelihoods depend on their not displeasing those above them in a bureaucratic hierarchy, very much including the bureaucratic hierarchies within larger so-called private firms. Yet America’s pre-existing tradition of free speech was strong enough that we avoided many of the dangers inherent in managerialism for a surprisingly long time. Even the humblest employees considered what they did and said on their own time to be no damned business of their employers, and most employers were content not to challenge them on the point. It was part of being American.
Clearly, those days are over. Five years ago, one young man was found morally unworthy of delivering pizza because he had protested the removal of a Confederate monument. Others have been dismissed for declining to support Black Lives Matter or for questioning how George Floyd died. Most ominously, support for freedom of speech now correlates strongly with age: The younger you are, the less likely you are to care about it. Some of these younger people will eventually learn the hard way when they find themselves out of work for failing to jump on some bandwagon quickly enough. If we can help them out when that day comes, we will get farther with them than we ever did by putting out information on IQ scores or the USS Liberty. When their own interests are directly affected, they will become receptive fast. (Ultimately, of course, our people’s freedom of speech can only be guaranteed by structural reforms that break our people’s economic dependence on hostile elites.)
There are plenty of other areas besides free speech where we can be doing important work. I am aware of one mutual aid society being set up by persons purged from financial services. Clearly there is also a need to match our people up with appropriate employment, and to foster family-run and other small businesses with anti-fragility a higher priority than profit maximization. Speaking generally, we need to provide alternatives to all the institutions from which our people are being purged. A revolution cannot succeed before a counter-elite has solidified and established its own alternative institutions. We can think of these as analogous to the “shadow cabinet” in the Westminster system: not participating in sovereignty, but intended to foreshadow how sovereign power will be exercised after a future political victory.
Back in the Jacksonian era, Alexis de Tocqueville wrote of our ancestors’ “science of association,” viewing the readiness with which Americans formed civil associations for all sorts of purposes as among the most salient traits of the new democracy. This capacity has been greatly weakened. As Sam Francis wrote (I must paraphrase from memory): Managerialism inculcates passivity; its constant message is that ordinary people are incapable of saving for their own retirement, educating their own children, and doing countless other things which people have always done for themselves as a matter of course. Instead, the managers urge us to trust the experts — an expert being anyone patented as such by the regime itself. The official response to Covid has, if nothing else, given millions of people a valuable lesson in how reliable that advice is. As the Washington regime lumbers on, as if on autopilot, trust in its institutions is declining, and so we may have an opportunity to relearn the art of association.
Our aim should not, at this stage, be a frontal assault on our enemies. Instead, we must concentrate on gaining strength in areas where they are weakest. Anti-white progressives are captive to an ideology with an innately centrifugal force, away from what is natural and primordial. Thus, in matters of sex for instance, we have seen them move from easy divorce a century ago to homosexuality, and now onto trannies in the girls’ room, puberty blockers, and state enforcement of preferred pronouns. Rather than combatting such absurdities directly, we should let the dead bury their dead and concentrate on promoting family formation for our own people. The other side may not even notice what we are doing until it is too late. They are leaving undisputed almost the entire domain of what is adaptive in the evolutionary sense. So this is the direction in which our opportunities will lie.
This shift will probably involve the decline in relative importance within our movement of idea people and writers in favor of those with interpersonal skills. As we attract and assist those for whom the powers that be have no use, we must also quietly be making a lot of character assessments. Only a minority of those we help will have the potential to become institution-builders or leaders in their own right, and one of our most important asks will be to identify these people and provide scope for their talents.
The official institutions of liberal society are bloated, top-heavy, unmoored from their original purposes, and filled with people of weak character. America is not going to be able to support their continued growth and dominance, even in a strictly economic sense. A collapse of some sort is inevitable, although no one can know exactly when it will occur or just what form it will take. Collapse, as anthropologist Joseph Tainter explained, is the involuntary shedding of complexity. It is a natural occurrence when complexity has become excessive, counterproductive, and unsustainable, as it so clearly has in today’s bureaucratized West. The process is no more to be feared than an animal’s shedding of winter fur in springtime. But it can be traumatic if everything must be improvised after the collapse has hit. Our task is to prepare for it now.
As legendary football coach Vince Lombardi used to say, what people think of as luck is simply what happens when preparation meets opportunity. The intensification of the Washington regime since the rise of Donald Trump is likely to present us with opportunities even faster than we are currently prepared for. For all the important work we have done publicizing our ideas, we may actually be lagging behind events when it comes to establishing the alternative institutions of our shadow regime.
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