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Print November 21, 2015

Enneaegne populism

Greg Johnson

organize1,428 words

English original here

William Pierce’i artikkel „Skinheadid ja seadus“ on kasulik lähtepunkt arutamaks olulist probleemi valgete rahvusliku liikumisega, probleemi, mida ma kutsun enneaegseks populismiks. 

Valgete rahvuslus on minu definitsiooni kohaselt populism järgnevas tähenduses: ükski valitsussüsteem ei ole legitiimne, kui see ei edenda rahva üldist hüvangut. Süsteem ei ole legitiimne, kui see töötab vaid ühe klassi või grupi, või koguni sisserändajate kasuks teiste poliitilise organismi osade arvelt. Aga populistina usun ma, et terviku huve teenib kõige paremini elitaarne poliitiline süsteem, niikaua kui eliit annab aru ülejäänud ühiskonnale. Poliitika probleem taandub alati sellele, kuidas leida juhte, kes oleks tavainimesest paremad. Edasi usun ma, et iga liikumine, mille eesmärgiks on luua populistlik valge rahvuslik süsteem, peab olema nii elitaarne kui võimalik. Lõpuks olen ma kindel, et sellise liikumise loomiseks tuleb meil esmalt keskenduda juhtide seisuse loomisele ja alles siis saame me masside poole pöörduda.

Ma usun, et valgete rahvuslus peab olema populistlik ka selle sõna harilikumas tähenduses, sest tänapäeva ühiskonnast rääkides on valge ühiskonnaeliit ebaproportsionaalselt suurel määral vastutav meie allakäigu eest ja valged massid on ebaproportsionaalselt rohkel hulgal ohvriks. Sestap, et võimule saada, tuleb valgetel rahvuslastel mitte üksnes esindada kõigi valgete huve, vaid me peame ka olema valmis adresseerima masside põhjendatud ja õiglast pahameelt olemasoleva eliidi vastu, kellel ei tohi lasta säilitada rikkust ja võimu, mille valge Ameerika lammutamine on neile kogunud. Kuigi mu muusika- ja kunstimaitse on üldjoontes elitaarne ja mu pintsaklipslase punktisumma on avalik teave, kuulub kogu mu poliitiline sümpaatia kesk- ja töölisklassile, kellele valgete väljatõrjumine on toonud kõige rohkem kannatusi. Aga te ei taba mind Taco Bellis.

„Eliidi“ all rangelt võttes pean ma silmas inimesi, kelle intelligents, maitse ja väärtus on üle keskmise. Ma ei räägi sotsiaalsest ülemklassist – ega kõrgema sissetulekuga inimestest Ühendriikide ja teiste anglosaksi koloniaalühiskondade puhul, kus puuduvad tegelikud sotsiaalsed klassid. „Masside“ all rangelt võttes mõtlen ma inimesi, kelle intelligents, maitse ja väärtus on keskmine või alla selle. Ma ei pea silmas alamklassi ega keskmise ja madalama sissetulekuga inimesi.

Muidugi on sissetuleku ja IQ, nagu ka teatud väärtuste ja maitse vahel korrelatsioon. Aga arvestades valgete ühiskondade ohustatud seisu üle maailma, võib kindlalt öelda, et need ei ole intelligentsitüübid ja iseloomuomadused, mida valged rahvuslased peaks eriti hindama. Kodanlaste kvaliteet on toonud meie rassi hävingu äärele. Meie pääsetee saab olla üksnes meie muistsete tarkade, sõdalaste ja laulikute vooruste taastamine. Ja neid omadusi võib leida olemasoleva ühiskonna kõigist segmentidest.

Niisiis ei tähenda enneaegne populism uue eliidi värbamist meie parimate seast olenemata kaasaegsetest sotsiaalsetest lahtritest.

Enneaegne populism tähendab nende inimeste värbamist, kes on intelligentsi, väärtuse ja maitse poolest üksnes keskmised või alla selle enne, kui me oleme end kehtestanud eliidina, kel oleks autoriteeti ja võimekust neid juhtida. Masside mobiliseerimine võib olla enneaegne ka siis, kui ajalooline olukord teeb võimatuks tõelise poliitilise edu saavutamise.

Keskendudes Pierce’i esseele skinheadidest ei taha ma jätta muljet, nagu mu kriitika piirduks Pierce’i või skinheadidega, kuna ma kirjeldan palju laiemat probleemi. Lisaks ei kritiseeri ma ei Pierce’i ega erinevaid skinheade. Ma olen väljendanud nii oma positiivseid kui ka negatiivseid vaateid Pierce’ile teisal sel lehel, ja ma olen taasavaldanud palju tema artikleid. Ma ruttan ka lisama, et mõned parimatest inimestest, keda ma olen tundnud, on olnud pärit skinheadide liikumisest, kinnitades mu veendumust, et väärtuslikke inimesi võib leida praeguse ühiskonna kõigist kihtidest.

William Pierce oli veendumustelt elitarist. Aga ta oli kiirustav elitarist. Sestap ahvatles teda ikka ja jälle see, mida ta oma rahulikemail mõttehetkil kutsus populismi „klounaadiks“. Oma 1995. aasta essees skinheadidest näitab Pierce üles realistlikku arusaamist selle subkultuuri probleemidest. Kui ta aga hakkab kaaluma, kas oma nappi aega ja raha oleks parem kasutada ülikoolitudengite või skinheadide mõjutamisele, eelistab Pierce, füüsikadoktor ja endine ülikooliprofessor, selgelt skinheade. Pierce nõustub, et tudengid jõuavad tõenäolisemalt suurema mõjuvõimuni praeguses süsteemis. Aga Pierce’ile avaldas rohkem muljet, et skinheadid on rassiteadlikumad, macholikumad ja agressiivsemad kui keskmine ülikooliõppur. (On raske öelda, kui palju skinheade on maailmas kokku, aga neid ei pruugi olla rohkem kui vintskeid ja sportlikke tudengeid, kuigi päriselt vintsked mehed võivad tudengite seas jääda vähemusse.)

Järgides seda loogikat ostis Pierce 1999. aastal skinheadide muusikafirma Resistance Records. Muusikat ei pidanud Pierce kuulatavaks, kuid see andis talle ligipääsu skinheadidele üle maailma ja tõi sisse päris palju raha. Kuigi National Alliance jätkas rohkem või vähem intellektuaalsele audientsile suunatud materjalide avaldamist, tõrjus skinheadide poole pöördumine mõned National Alliance’i liikmed eemale, ja pärast Pierce’i surma võttis skinheadide element (ning teised vintsked vennad) National Alliance’i üle ning on selle üsnagi põhja vedanud. Pierce püüdis muidugi üles kasvatada skinheadide liikumise parimaid, kuid National Alliance käis siiski lõpuks alla.

National Alliance’i langus on enneaegse populismi õpikunäide. Pierce’i põhiviga oli püüe kujutleda elujõulist valgete rahvuslaste poliitilist liikumist praeguses ühiskonnas. Kui küsida, kes praegu võiks minna ja valge ühiskonna eest reaalselt võidelda, ei ole vastus ilmselgelt keskmise ja kõrge sissetulekuga inimesed. Need, kelles on rassiteadvust, vintskust ja tigedust, et valge ühiskonna eest võidelda, tulevad ülekaalukalt töölisklassist ja veelgi madalamalt. Nemad on need, keda valgete väljatõrjumine on kõige valusamalt löönud. Neil on valge revolutsiooni katsetamisest kõige vähem kaotada ja kõige rohkem võita. Aga probleem on selles, et praeguste asjaolude juures ei ole valged rahvuslased seisus, kus me suudaks neid korralikult organiseerida ja juhtida, ja isegi kui me oleks, puudub meil võimekus praegust süsteemi hävitada.

Enneaegne populism on halb, kuna:

  1. See kahjustab meie võimet luua ja alal hoida elujõulisi elitaarseid valgete rahvuslaste avangardorganisatsioone.
  1. See õhutab häid, terveid, maasoolaks olevaid inimesi kulutama oma aega, raha ja panust enneaegsesse poliitilisse aktivismi, mil nad saaksid ja peaksid pürgima perekonna ja karjääri poole.
  1. See julgustab sallima näruseid räpakaid hulle, kelle puudutusest hävib kõik ja kes takistavad meid ligi tõmbamast paremaid inimesi (sealhulgas paremaid hästitoimivate ekstsentrike seast). Kui me tõesti usume enda sõnumisse, peame me uskuma, et mõistlikud ja normaalsed inimesed saavad sellest aru. Niisiis peame me lõpetama iga meie ukse taha ilmuva inimsoost hulkuva koera poputamise selle pärast, et me oleme nii meeleheitel leidma inimesi, kes näivad mõistvat. Me peame lõpetama enda sekka kuuluvate hullude loendamise ja selle asemel mõtlema paremate inimeste leegionitele, kes hoiavad eemale.
  1. See õhutab seda, mida ma kutsun higinuusutamiseks: relvade, musklite ja machismo fetišeerimist – sealhulgas üks suurimaid meie enda tekitatud nuhtlusi meie rassile, alkoholism – sellisel hetkel ajaloos, kui meie liikumine peab keskenduma ajude, tehnoloogilise kompetentsi, suhtlusoskuste (eriti kirjutamis- ja kõnelemisoskuste), meediaosavuse, organisaatorliku kompetentsi ja hea maitse, eriti disainis ja reklaamis, ülesehitamisele.

Ärge saage valesti aru: iga valge mees peaks olema vormis ja võimeline enesekaitseks. Ja feminism on endiselt vale. Ja keegi ei tohiks püüda olla pehmo. Aga higinuusutamine on hukutav rumalus. Kui paljud meie püüdlused on hävitanud purjus löömingud, praalimine ja taktitus? Kui paljud meie hulgast on surnud või vangis testosterooni, alkoholi või relvade tõttu eri kombinatsioonides? Kui paljud meie hulgast lakuvad taldu vintsketel ja korralikel vormis meestel, kes on objektiivselt võttes meie vaenlased? Kui paljud meie organisatsioonidest on laostunud, edutades vintskeid vendi ja hurmureid positsioonidele, mis käivad üle nende kompetentsi?

Ma pean kalliks Jonathan Bowdeni ideaali kultuursest pätist, kuid meie peaks alati vääratama kultuuri osas, mil Pierce ja veel liiga paljud vääratavad pätluse osas.

Enneaegse populismi, töllmokkade hellitamise ja higinuusutamise netotulemus on läbikukkumine, läbipõlemine ja kibestumus kõigi asjaosaliste jaoks.

Aga kuhu on kiiret? Jah, ma tean, et meie populatsioon on vananev ja kahanev. Ma tean, et mittevalged on meid demograafiliselt üle ujutamas. Aga 20, 30 ja 40 aasta pärast – paljude lugejate eluajal – on endiselt alles sadu miljoneid valgeid inimesi, sealhulgas miljoneid vintskeid vihaseid macholikke valgeid mehi. Ja neid on rohkem, sest kuigi meid on suhtarvudes vähem ja me oleme vanemad, jõuab valgete väljatõrjumine üha kõrgemapalgalisemateni. Süsteem toodab meie jaoks vintskete vihaste väljatõrjutud valgete armeesid. Nad ei kao veel niipea kuhugi.

Niisiis on meil aega, et keskenduda muule. Poliitika jaoks on liiga vara, kasutagem siis seda aega, et luua tugev metapoliitiline vundament eduka poliitika jaoks, kui tingimused on õiged. Metapoliitika taandub ideede levitamisele ja kogukonnaehitamisele.

Metapoliitilised põhiküsimused on: Kes me oleme? Kes on meie vaenlased? Mis on õige? Mis on võimalik? Me peame neile küsimustele iseenda ja oma rahva eest vastama, kui me tahame neid edukalt juhtida. Ja meil tuleb ihuda oma sõnumit ja oskusi ja meediat, mida on vaja, et levitada seda kõigi valgete gruppide seas.

Kogukonnaehitamine tähendab, et kõigepealt on vajalik luua uus juhtide seisus, suunav mõistus meie rassile. See seisus juhib esmalt teed valge vabariigini. Siis hakkab see juhtima valget vabariiki. Ajalugu teeb eliit. Rassilisi populistlikke ühiskondi hakkab juhtima eliit. Edukaid rassilisi populistlikke liikumisi hakkab juhtima eliit. Saagem siis selleks eliidiks.

Enneaegset populismi ei ole vaja. Rahvas on endiselt alles sel päeval, kui me oleme väärt neid juhtima ja poliitiline tegevus saab päriselt tuua muutuse. Seega on valgetel rahvuslastel aega, et asjad korda sättida. Ja kui selleks ei ole aega, ei päästa läbikukkunud strateegia veel üks kordamine meid ikkagi.

 

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  • Rising
  • The Importance of James Bond
  • In Defense of Prejudice
  • Confessions of a Reluctant Hater (2nd ed.)
  • The Hypocrisies of Heaven
  • Waking Up from the American Dream
  • Green Nazis in Space!
  • Truth, Justice, and a Nice White Country
  • Heidegger in Chicago
  • End of an Era: Mad Men & the Ordeal of Civility
  • Sexual Utopia in Power
  • What is a Rune? & Other Essays
  • Son of Trevor Lynch’s White Nationalist Guide to the Movies
  • The Lightning & the Sun
  • The Eldritch Evola
  • Western Civilization Bites Back
  • New Right vs. Old Right
  • Journey Late at Night: Poems and Translations
  • The Non-Hindu Indians & Indian Unity
  • I do not belong to the Baader-Meinhof Group
  • Pulp Fascism
  • The Lost Philosopher
  • Trevor Lynch’s A White Nationalist Guide to the Movies
  • And Time Rolls On
  • Artists of the Right: Resisting Decadence
  • North American New Right, Vol. 1
  • Some Thoughts on Hitler
  • Tikkun Olam and Other Poems
  • Summoning the Gods
  • Taking Our Own Side
  • Reuben
  • The Node
  • The New Austerities
  • Morning Crafts
  • The Passing of a Profit & Other Forgotten Stories
Copyright © 2023 Counter-Currents Publishing, Ltd.

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