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Print November 26, 2016

Lo que los Neocons entendieron bien:
Una reseña de Arguing the World

Greg Johnson

arguingtheworld1,636 words

English original here

El documental de Joseph Dorman, Arguing the World (1998), y el respectivo libro (Arguing the World: The New York Intellectuals in their Own Words, 2000) cuentan la historia de cuatro intelectuales judíos de Nueva York. — Daniel Bell (1919–2011), Nathan Glazer (1923), Irving Kristol (1920–2009), y Irving Howe (1920–1993) — quienes tuvieron un impacto tremendo y duradero en ámbitos académicos, decisiones políticas y la cultura en general. 

Los cuatro comenzaron como trotskistas debatiendo políticas en Alcove 1 de la cafetería del City College of New York y evolucionó en liberales anticomunistas de la Guerra Fría. Entonces, en los casos de Bell, Glazer y Kristol, ellos se volvieron neoconservadores. Howe se mantuvo un hombre de la izquierda y defensor del socialismo democrático. Bell y Glazer eran menos conservadores que centro-demócratas escépticos del utopianismo y del moralismo ideológico, – dentro del documental, Bell se caracteriza a sí mismo como un “socialista respecto a lo económico, liberal respecto a lo político, y conservador respecto a la cultura” – y alguien que les otorgó muchas ideas útiles a los republicanos sin tener que unirse a ellos. Kristol, sin embargo, se volvió republicano durante la campaña de Nixon contra McGovern en 1972, y se transformó en una influencia dañina sobre el partido republicano durante las administraciones de Reagan y Bush (tanto la primera como la segunda).

Una de las cosas incomodas sobre la edad media es agarrar un libro y darse cuenta que uno lo leyó hace veinte años. La primera vez que vi Arguing the World en un VHS al poco tiempo de su salida, fue para ese entonces que me volví un Nacionalista Blanco. Hasta ese entonces, era un conservador ex-libertario, y como intelectual, por supuesto leí muchos escritores neoconservadores (definido ampliamente), entre ellos Leo Strauss y su escuela, Daniel Bell (por lejos el más brillante y agradable de los cuatro sujetos de este documental), Cristopher Lasch (no es realmente un neocon, pero él lo habría sido dado el suficiente tiempo) y Philip Rieff. También estaba subscrito al Commentary y al The New Criterio, así como también a Culture Wars de David Horowitz, por las risas.

Pero tenía un marco de referencia mayor que los neoconservadores. También leía frecuentemente a paleoconservadores como Patrick Buchanan, Sam Francis, y Joseph Sobran; los agrarios del sur; y los filósofos conservadores como Oswald Spengler, Eric Voegelin, Michael Oakeshott, y Roger Scruton. Admiraba particularmente a estos escritores no sólo porque eran igual de brillantes que los neocons, sino que eran efectivamente conservadores.

En ese entonces, era consciente de la abrumadora y cerrada naturaleza judía del neoconservadurismo, la cual se manifestaba en sí misma como una forma de ardiente Sionismo. También era consciente de la naturaleza abrumadoramente judía del comunismo y la izquierda en general. Y me encontraba igualmente consciente de los tabús en relación a notar el poder judío, o incluso alabarlo. Pero no estaba realmente en desacuerdo con las políticas neocons en esa época, aunque encontraba muy pobres a las políticas domésticas, por lo que quería volver al liberalismo. Sin embargo, aún los consideraba escritores interesantes e inteligentes que me proveían con un arsenal de argumentos y análisis que podía utilizar para mis propios objetivos.

arguingtheworldbookIncluso cuando hoy, tengo una visión mucho más atenuada sobre los intelectuales de Nueva York y los neocons, encuentro que volver a ver Arguing the World es una experiencia inspiradora. El Marxismo nunca me ha atraído, mucho menos el trotskismo. (Supongo que habría ayudado ser judío). Pero admiro a Bell, Glazer, Kristol y Howe en su intenso compromiso al debate intelectual, lo cual les permitió rechazar el Stalinismo y luego romper con el comunismo definitivamente, y luego posteriormente del liberalismo moral y las ideas utópicas también.

También admiro su compromiso con la metapolítica. Ellos reconocieron que publicar pequeñas revistas presentando su punto de vista en toda la historia y cultura podría cambiar la política desde lejos, al cambiar los valores y percepciones de las personas del mundo. Glazer y Bell ambos admiten con un poco de arrogancia y chutzpah su voluntad de comentar todo, desde eventos políticos actuales hasta la sociología, el arte y la literatura. Pero sus riesgos intelectuales les otorgaron recompensas intelectuales, incluyendo tales clásicos como The End of Ideology y The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism ambos por Bell, y The Lonely Crowd  de Glazer(con David Riesman), así como también profesorados en Harvard, Columbia, Chicago y Berkeley.

El primer journal que los atrajo fue Partisan Review (1934-2003), el cual era el corazón de la escena mayoritariamente comunista y judía de Nueva York. Partisan Review tomó un giro hacia el trotskismo y el modernismo literario y artístico en 1937. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, fue secretamente financiado por la CIA, el cual se encontraba contento de subsidiar trotskistas y expresionismo abstracto para pegarle a Stalin.

Entonces estaba el comité norteamericano judío, Commentary, para el cual los cuatro escribieron. Fundado en 1945 como plataforma de la izquierda anti-comunista, aún sigue avanzando fuertemente como bandera de batalla de la derecha neoconservadora.

Después de eso vino Dissent la reseña socialista democrática de Howe (fundada en 1954 y continua hasta el día de hoy).

Luego Bell y Kristol fundaron The Public Interest (1965 – 2005), para la cual Glazer también escribió. Su propósito era influenciar la forma política al subyugar a la ideología liberal y al moralismo a la crítica de la historia y las ciencias sociales. Una de las mejores líneas del film es cuando Kristol describe a The Public Interest como teniendo unos pocos cientos de subscriptores, y luego afirmando que podes cambiar el mundo al publicar una revista con tan pocos seguidores.

O un sitio web con decenas de miles de lectores regulares, por lo que importa.

Otro punto alto del film es el tratamiento que le dan a la llamada nueva izquierda de los 60’s. Glazer chocaba con la nueva izquierda en Berkeley; Bell chocaba con ellos en Columbia; y Howe cruzaba espadas con ellos en los salones literarios de Nueva York. Ambos cuatro pensadores claramente veían a la nueva izquierda como nada nuevo. Surgió de los movimientos por los Derechos Civiles y Anti-Guerra de Vietnam, ambos que en definitiva eran controlados por la Vieja Izquierda y el Partido Comunista.

En términos tácticos, la nueva izquierda empleaba la “no-violencia”, lo cual era una nueva arruga para la gente que nos trajo el gulag y la KGB, pero algunos grupos menores rápidamente volvieron al estilo antiguo y tomaron el terrorismo por sus manos.

La izquierda estudiantil era ideológica pero también profundamente dogmática, autoritaria y anti-intelectual. Cuando Irving Howe se encontró con Tom Hayden, él vio el alma del comisario. Glazer dudaba la buena fe de los protestantes, porque su furia era claramente desproporcionada en relación a su existencia objetivamente privilegiada.

Respecto a los estudiantes radicales entrevistados, son todos judíos menos Hayden. Todos ellos parecen ser profesores universitarios, aun luchando contra la derecha represiva y autoritaria del sistema universitario dentro de sus oficinas alineadas por los libros. Francamente, aún parecen infantiles. El único comentario vagamente profundo viene de Hayden, quien secamente, a diferencia de Howe y el equipo de Dissent, no creció en una familia en la cual todos se gritaban mutuamente. Obviamente un poco de su propia abrumadora judeidad.

Sin ser sorpresa alguna, Bell y compañía miraban con desprecio a la izquierda estudiantil por ser idéntica a otro grupo de judíos disidentes marxistas, la Escuela de Frankfurt. Aunque Herbert Marcuse abrazo a los estudiantes radicales, Adorno los tenía como bravucones anti-intelectuales. Como Howe y los neocons. Adorno no creía más en que el cambio positivo podía venir de una acción revolucionaria. Sentadas, grafitis, y terrorismo eran impotentes en la cara de un sistema armado con bombas atómicas.

Como Glazer y compañía, Adorno y su escuela estaban comprometidos a la metapolitica. Al publicar tomos oscuros y pequeñas revistas, ellos influenciarían educadores y artistas, quienes tomarían esto y alterarían valores, gustos, y puntos de vista, y finalmente la política pública tomaría una tendencia y alineamiento en relación al nuevo consenso. La metapolítica es sobre el poder blando, el control remoto, o la “hegemonía”.

En términos de distinciones dije en “Nueva Derecha contra Vieja Derecha”, que los estudiantes radicales de los 60’s podrían haber sido llamados Nueva Izquierda, pero en realidad eran izquierdistas viejos, mientras que la Escuela de Frakfurt y sus movimientos metapoliticos aliados eran la verdadera Nueva Izquierda. Las características esenciales de la Nueva Izquierda y la Nueva Derecha es su compromiso con la metapolítica.

Claramente, tanto neocons como la Escuela de Frakfurt perseguían el camino correcto. Los estudiantes de izquierda eventualmente se quemaron. O “se venden”, lo cual en práctica significa adoptar metapolítica y marchar hacia las instituciones. Efectivamente, el acercamiento metapolítico funcionó para ambas escuelas de pensamiento, debido a que ellas han ayudado a definir al sistema presente, el cual Jonathan Bowden caracterizaba como ultra-capitalismo de izquierda, una oligarquía hiper-estratificada –con los judíos masivamente sobre-representados entre las élites- comprometidos a valores izquierdistas y sionistas.

Efectivamente, ambas escuelas, la neoconservadora y la de Frakfurt –entre muchos otros movimientos intelectuales judíos- deben ser vistos como parte de un impulso más amplio de obtener la hegemonía por parte de la comunidad judía, la cual ahora ha colonizado tanto al a izquierda como a la derecha, así que no importa que tendencia es predominante, los valores e intereses judíos son siempre privilegiados.

Pero la hegemonía judía puede ser quebrada de la misma forma en que fue construida, por lo cual es inspirador ver Arguing the World siendo un Nacionalista Blanco. Muestra tanto las herramientas intelectuales cómo los caracteres que necesitamos. Así como uno lleva un cuchillo a una pelea de cuchillo, una pistola a una pelea de pistolas, uno debe llevar ideas a batallas de ideas – ideas veraces y mejores. Este es el propósito de la Nueva Derecha: el deconstruir la hegemonía judía y construir una nueva hegemonía pro-blanca, así que no importa que partido político gane el poder, los intereses blancos serán siempre sacrosantos.

 

 

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