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Print December 1, 2020 20 comments

Ibram X Kendi’s How to Be an Antiracist

Beau Albrecht

5,116 words

Ibram X. Kendi
How to Be an Antiracist
New York: One World, 2019

I recently ran across a copy of How to Be an Antiracist by Ibram X. Kendi, neé Rogers. I figured it would be a good opportunity to get rid of some of that unearned white privilege. Heck, who needs all that extra baggage, right?

The opening, “My Racist Introduction,” begins when he’s up for the final round of the Prince William County Martin Luther King Jr. oratorical contest, wearing a colorful outfit. Then he flashes back to being on the basketball court when his father arrives at the game to deliver Kendi’s acceptance letter to college. He didn’t consider himself the scholarly type, since his grades were middling and his SAT score was a little over 1000. Later he concludes:

I thought I was a subpar student and was bombarded by messages — from Black people, White people, the media — that told me the reason was rooted in my race. . . which made me more discouraged, and less motivated as a student. . . which only further reinforced for me the racist idea that Black people just weren’t very studious. . . which made me feel even more despair or indifference. . . and on it went.

The rest of the introduction covers the MLK contest itself. He now regrets his speech for sending the wrong message, lamenting about dysfunctions in the black community. Then there’s some Orange Man Bad stuff, much about politically incorrect quotes. (The appendix lists an old one; The Donald says he hates his money being counted by blacks. “The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day. . .” Well, that figures.) Finally, he discusses the importance of being an antiracist rather than merely non-racist.

The author at a glance

Since then, Kendi’s overcome any misgivings about his role in academia. Ultimately earning a Ph.D. in African American Studies, he launched a career as a professor. Lately, he has a fellowship at Harvard’s Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. Concurrently, he’s the director at Boston University’s Center for Antiracist Research, to which Twitter’s head honcho Jack Dorsey donated $10 million. Other than that, he also holds a Guggenheim fellowship. Among his several books about race relations, How to Be an Antiracist became the most popular, which got a major boost after George Floyd suffered a coronary while being arrested. It reached number one in the NYT bestseller list, and the eminent Gray Lady also had printed a laudatory review.

With the hallowed imprimatur of elite-level academia, he draws a salary to indoctrinate classrooms of impressionable students. Not only that, he’s been rewarded with some sweet book deals. Therefore, he’s been granted great prestige and a wide audience. He certainly wouldn’t be the first Leftist activist to imagine he’s fighting The System while unwittingly serving its purposes.

For the cherry on top, Fairfax Country (VA) paid him $20K for a one-hour virtual presentation last August about “Cultivating an Anti-racist School Community.” Sweet! That’s about like getting 1,666 ninjaghinis in a DLive superchat session. Cupcake probably pulls in more for Clinton Foundation lectures, but even so, that hour of hard work was about what the average full-time forklift operator makes in eight months.

I am shocked — shocked — at how badly America’s bigoted society oppresses its black dissidents like this! Will the persecution never end?

A more sensible point

Lately, there’s been a minor kerfuffle about a couple of tweets he made concerning President Trump’s Supreme Court pick, Amy Coney Barrett, to replace Ruth Babykiller Ginsburg. He complained about her adopting two Haitian kids. Others apparently have read a little much into that, so I’ll quote him directly:

Some White colonizers “adopted” Black children. They “civilized” these “savage” children in the “superior” ways of White people, while using them as props in their lifelong pictures of denial, while cutting the biological parents of these children out of the picture of humanity.

And whether this is Barrett or not is not the point. It is a belief too many White people have: if they have or adopt a child of color, then they can’t be racist.

There seem to be a lot of assumptions in that one — colonizers who believe they’re civilizing savages and all that. Still, I’ll concur about the virtue signaling. Celebrity airheads need to quit bringing back kids from exotic locales as if they were living souvenirs, and also their trendy imitators. There’s something deeply wrong with this. Furthermore, children have a right to be raised within their own culture. Lastly, I have to wonder if The Donald did enough research there for his Supreme Court pick. His future may rest on this, as SCOTUS will have to rule on all the ballot box stuffing by Biden’s fans.

Opening premises

Most chapters begin with definitions, generally his framing of the subject, and usually in accord with au courant academic Leftist thought. The first chapter defines “racist” as “One who is supporting a racist policy through their actions or inaction or expressing a racist idea.” An antiracist does approximately the opposite. There is no middle ground.

I’ll have to differ at this early point. “Racist” is too loaded to be useful; therefore an anti-concept. Using such polemical terminology is rather like holding a panel on comparative religion and one of the participants incessantly calls everyone else heretics preaching heresy. That might make for a lively interfaith conference, but not much clarity will emerge. Still, given the subject matter here, we’ll have to run with it.

Then the author discusses his ideological journey, surprisingly beginning prior to his birth. Shortly after his parents met, they attended a Soul Liberation concert in 1970. Even thousands of whites were “swaying and singing along to the soulful sounds of Black power.” The keynote speaker began preaching liberation theology. (More frequently, that’s Catholic-flavored Herz-Jesu-Sozialismus; imagine Sandinista Christ in a St. Che beret waving an AK-47.) Later, his father received a keynote definition from a Harlem theological luminary: “A Christian is one who is striving for liberation.” That might seem pretty ultracalvinist, but hey, I remember back when “Is the Pope Catholic?” was only a rhetorical question!

The Pope strives for liberation while wearing a robe curiously embroidered with Pizzagate symbols.

Further definitions follow, clarifying his position. I’ll excerpt the main points:

  • Racism is a marriage of racist policies and racist ideas that produce and normalize racial inequalities.
  • Racial inequity is when two or more racial groups are not standing on approximately equal footing.
  • A racist policy is any measure that produces or sustains racial inequity between racial groups.
  • An antiracist policy is any measure that produces or sustains racial equity between racial groups.

Much follows concerning the last item. For beginners:

By policy, I mean written and unwritten laws, rules, procedures, processes, regulations, and guidelines that govern people. There is no such thing as a nonracist or race-neutral policy.

Thus, if a policy in its many possible forms isn’t explicitly antiracist, then it’s racist by this special definition. That kind of thing is pretty much the cornerstone of this book. (Still, Bush the Younger does dichotomies better — “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.” Epic!) I’ll make up an example. A law meant to limit pollution would be nonracist if it results in reducing racial inequity. If it benefits all populations the same — which is fairly likely since everyone breathes the same air and drinks the same water — then it’s a racist pollution control law. Since the author carefully spelled out exactly what he meant, and is quite serious about all this, then such implications are hardly an exaggeration.

Uh, wait a minute. . .

You can buy It’s Okay to Be White: The Best of Greg Johnson here.

So that’s interesting if one accepts all the premises (stated or implied), but the devil is in the details. To make jaywalking laws antiracist, it would be necessary to study the disparate impact of existing ones and figure out how to rewrite them to promote more racial equity. Of course, murder is a big one. Blacks, who are about an eighth of the USA’s population, commit slightly more than half the murders. (Merely citing crime statistics is one of the things likely to get someone banned on social media these days.) To create an antiracist murder law, should we set 3/4 of black murder convicts free at random, or instead give them a 75% discount on their sentences? Should this preferential treatment apply only to convicts of pure African descent, or do the benefits taper off and end after 1/8 African or something?

Did anyone notice the big underlying assumption? In order for absolute equality of outcome to occur naturally between the races, then they cannot differ biologically, culturally, or behaviorally in any meaningful way. However, if such differences indeed do exist, then differences in results are unavoidable, no matter how well everyone was committed to getting along. Passing laws to equalize results would be senseless and unjust, bringing us to the Iron Bed of Procrustes, Harrison Bergeron’s dystopia, and all that — not too different from what The System already is trying to do.

Not to worry; the author has all that covered, neatly wrapping the tautology with chapters 4, 7, and 8 about biology, culture, and behavior. His position is that there are no meaningful differences in these areas. Disagreeing with these premises, of course, is racist. Failing to promote them actively is racist too. Preach the litany of anathemas or be damned with the heretics. And of course:

The use of standardized tests to measure aptitude and intelligence is one of the most effective racist policies devised to degrade Black minds and legally exclude Black bodies.

It’s a very long story, but despite nearly a century of attempting to explain away inconvenient results, making the entire subject a taboo, and otherwise muddying the waters, Leftist academics with Comrade Lysenko’s mentality are still beating that dead horse.

If one maintains the absolute egalitarian premises given above — no meaningful differences in biology, culture, or behavior — then “racism” is the only possible cause for disparities in outcome between races. The implications go pretty far, of course. Disparate health outcomes are blamed on racism; genetic differences and dietary preferences can’t have anything to do with even part of that. This much is cherry-picked. With these premises, it’s completely inexplicable why blacks suffer less skin cancer, for example, than whites. It’s starting to get tiresome — racism this, racism that, racism racism racism und so weiter.

More stuff about racism

The second chapter opens with an anecdote near the author’s birth:

Just before that arrival, as my pregnant mother celebrated her thirty-first birthday on June 24, 1982, President Reagan declared war on her unborn baby. “We must put drug abuse on the run through stronger law enforcement,” Reagan said in the Rose Garden.

Incorrect. I have no idea if the author likes to toke up the 420 or whatever, but I’m quite certain he wasn’t up to anything of the sort when he was still a bun in the oven. Other than that, drug abuse occurs in all races and should be considered a vice.

Then it discusses a three-way tension between competing alternatives to the race problem: segregation, assimilation, and antiracism. It indicates the former two are typically white responses; blacks generally embrace assimilation or antiracism. The author cites Thomas Jefferson as generally universalist, though overstating the case considerably. It’s quite odd that he doesn’t distinguish nationalism as a fourth way. It’s certainly different from segregation where they got the fuzzy side of the lollipop – riding in the back of the bus, separate drinking fountains and lunch counters, and all that. Instead, nationalism offers sovereignty, full control over their destiny, the ability to manage their affairs and celebrate their culture according to their sensibilities, and no whites to ruin everything for them. Surely he knows the teachings of figures like Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X.

The book continues along the same lines, interspersing personal history, sometimes including a dose of samokritika, with political theory. The latter is topical per chapter, such as microaggression theory or the trendy idea of race as a social construct. The ideological odyssey is, in linear fashion, running through the chapters.

Early on, much concerns his education; for starters, complaining about whites who pull their kids out of the local public schools which are mostly black. (Golly, why would they want to do that?) His parents send him to religious schools, some more to his liking than others. By now, they’ve given him much instruction in racial consciousness around the same time that white liberal kids get told that racial consciousness is bad.

The personal narrative does drive home some political points. For example, concerning the O. J. Simpson verdict:

When “not guilty” sliced the silence like a cleaver, we leapt from behind our desks, shouting, hugging each other, wanting to call our friends and parents to celebrate. . . Over in Manhattan. . . my father and his Black co-workers migrated out of the room with grins under their frowns. . . I wanted O.J. to run free. I had been listening to what the Black adults around me had been lecturing about for months in 1994. They did not think O.J. was innocent of murder any more than they thought he was innocent of selling out his people. But they knew the criminal-justice system was guilty, too.

A litany follows about high-profile 1980s-1990s cases in LA and NYC involving police brutality and misconduct. (The implication is pretty clear: these things made it right for Simpson to get away with double murder.) Then the discussion quickly shifts into hurtful ethnic jokes and friction between African Americans and recently-arrived black populations.

When Ghanaian immigrants to the United States join with White Americans and say African Americans are lazy, they are recycling the racist ideas of White Americans about African Americans.

What, they can’t make up their minds themselves? The author later did convince one of his Ghanaian students that his attitudes ultimately came from whites. (Is there any ethnic stereotype anywhere in the world that whites didn’t create?)

In chapter 6, Kendi’s personal odyssey part goes discordantly with political rhetoric. Kendi lived in Flushing during his early teens, a formerly white working-class neighborhood in Queens where nearly all the former inhabitants fled. High school is his first experience with public education. A fellow student pulls a gun on him. (“Smurf” also brutally mugs a kid on the bus for his Walkman, and not even the driver stops the young mattoid.) Then the author discusses his brief interest in the Zulu Nation gang, impressed with its reach and history. During a rumble, he sneaks up on a skinny youth and sucker-punches him. “He went down hard on the pavement and I skittered off.”

As for the political rhetoric in this chapter, it complains about bipartisan efforts during the 1990s to get street crime under control. As one might expect, he dismisses the racial factor in bad neighborhoods. He found some statistics that employment and small business ownership negatively correlate to violence. At that point, I was glad to see that he’s onto something constructive. Then he denounces capitalism in a later chapter.

Kendi pointedly states that there’s nothing wrong with black culture or black behavior. It’s assimilationist to regard Ebonics, rap music, fashions like baggy pants, and so forth as something backward, although there are plenty of blacks who have misgivings about all that. As for social problems like drug abuse, juvenile delinquency, and flaking off school, he argues that these shouldn’t be regarded as racial in nature either. (Really, CivNats do a much better job of saying everyone is just an individual and all that.) The problem here is that rebellion for its own sake against white standards and degenerate rap music glorifying criminal lifestyles have had some real-world consequences, as have a lot of counterproductive Leftist ideology and policies. Michael Jackson had a good point about facing the man in the mirror.

To be antiracist is to think nothing is behaviorally wrong or right — inferior or superior — with any of the racial groups.

Really, every society has its positive aspects as well as areas it can improve, and I’ll certainly say that underperformers in my own race need to get their act together. I suppose it’s easier to blame racism and Post-Traumatic Slave Syndrome (I’m not making this up) for everything, and then criticizing whites for considering ghettoes to be dangerous no-go zones. This sort of talk was seriously worn out long ago. Leftists (and more so with Zionists for that matter) seldom understand that bad behavior causes so-called prejudice. It’s not about ignorance; it’s about knowledge gained from experience.

The intersectionality buffet

You can buy Greg Johnson’s Graduate School with Heidegger here

Several chapters are about some other personal characteristics generally forming identity groups, though mercifully it’s not tediously exhaustive like some Ivory Tower scribblers. (For example, “fat studies” is a real thing, lately taught at a couple of Left Coast state schools. Surely it’s a great way to get a job in fast food.) All such factors are considered in the context of race, which is different from how such subjects are usually treated by other Leftist figures.

The first one concerns color, mainly discussing the rivalry between lighter and darker blacks. That much was a bit interesting, as I don’t have personal experience of it. (I would’ve expected there to be more mutual solidarity.) Then lots of politically incorrect quotes follow, usually older than a century. I have to wonder if the author has a Rolodex file for this sort of thing. Here we also find out that it was NeNe Leakes who called President Trump “Orange Man.” Hey, I learned something new!

Another one is about class, which is rather refreshing since cultural Marxists generally put this distinction in last place (if they even mention it at all). By this time, the author has moved to a rough neighborhood in Philadelphia.

Death resided there, too, apparently. My new Black neighbors had been told for years that Hunting Park and Allegheny West were two of the most dangerous neighborhoods in Philadelphia — the poorest, with the highest reported rates of violent crime.

Golly, I’m sure the crime rate has nothing to do with the people actually living there, now does it? He briefly goes into some history: “racist developers” created suburbs for “fleeing Whites, while largely confining Black natives and new Black migrants to the so-called ghettos, now overcrowded and designed to extract wealth from their residents.” I’ll add that the ghettoes that sprouted mid-century used to be orderly, tight-knit, white working-class neighborhoods with a flourishing Catholic spirituality. Nice places to live and raise children, until they were taken over. Apparently, when the population was replaced, the character of the neighborhood changed too. It’s strange how that works.

Kendi identifies capitalism as the cause of poverty. I’ll concur that there’s a lot wrong with the way capitalism is being done now. Fortunately, there’s more than one way to run a market economy. Distributism would go a long way toward improving economically blighted areas, no matter who is living there.

The chapter on gender covers a lot of ground, including feminist perspectives. Some of it gets pretty foul. The author asserts that there’s nothing wrong with single motherhood. GLBT perspectives come into the picture too, carried forward into the next chapter about sexuality. That one dips its toes into radical gender theory too.

Other items

Chapter 10, “White,” discusses Kendi’s journey beyond anti-white racism. Newly in college and angered by the disputed results of the 2000 election, he concludes:

White people became devils to me, but I had to figure out how they came to be devils. I read “The Making of Devil,” a chapter in Elijah Muhammad’s Message to the Blackman in America, written in 1965.

This odd Nation of Islam text describes how a mad scientist named Yakub created the non-black races, the worst and final product being whites. (It’s rather like how in the Tolkien legendarium, Sauron gradually created orcs from horribly mistreated elves.) Well, lots of college students get convinced of silly stuff, right? He dives into some other Afrocentric nonsense, illustrating that whites evolved in a cold climate and became barbaric while Africans remained cooperative and peaceful. Finally, he concludes that we’re a bunch of aliens.

Malcolm X came to a more universalist position. The author eventually does too. I’ll add that even so, through the internal logic of his special definitions and his skewed perspective of the world, he not only has license to keep complaining incessantly about whites, he believes it’s a duty and a positive good.

The following chapter, “Black,” discusses racial views of blacks — particularly the low-class types. The political digression reveals more advanced thought than some academic Leftists who assert that non-whites are powerless in order to grant them a free pass for bad behavior. A long litany follows about black sellouts who are racist against themselves. Curiously missing is an exploration of black biases about whites and the consequences thereof.

In chapter 13, “Space,” he defends black spaces and criticizes assimilationist aspects of integration. What he envisions, though, is everyone having unrestricted access to each other’s spaces. We already have that, at least theoretically. (If I wanted to move to Detroit, I could.) It’s unclear, though, how territorial integrity will be possible and encroachment can be prevented. Ever since desegregation, it’s been one turf war after another.

The most notable part of chapter 16 covers the distinction between demonstrations and protests; generally, the difference between blowing off steam and creating an effective ongoing strategy. Chapter 17 discusses institutionalized racism and the Trayvon Martin case. (Missing from the discussion is the MSM’s spin, such as willfully mischaracterizing it as a white-on-black incident, leading to riots and misplaced retaliatory violence.) The author affirms his commitment to antiracism. It seems that he really wants to be a better person, and may well have mellowed out and become a nice guy as he’s gotten older and wiser. The problem is that by then he’d been marinated for years in critical race theory, nursing some very old grudges, and traumatized by a centuries-long litany of one-sided atrocity stories. His journey to universalism, if he wishes to pursue it, still has a long way to go.

By one-sided, I mean that “diversity + proximity = war” works both ways. Kendi also only considers one side of the story for several of these events. For example, the Birmingham church bombing was one of those COINTELPRO false flag attacks. Ironically, it was meant to carry out an antiracist agenda to discredit the Ku Klux Klan, and it worked. For that matter, Kendi mentioned the 2007-2008 financial crisis when comparing blue-collar crimes to white-collar crimes, and aren’t those whites in the suburbs a bigger batch of crooks? The financial crisis’ cause was the government carrying out an antiracist agenda to pressure banks into making loans to risky borrowers because too many minority applicants were being rejected. This is the sort of thing that happens when The Narrative is given more importance than reality.

How to stop racism

In the final chapter, Kendi’s wife — and later Kendi himself — survive close calls with cancer. He likens it to racism. The medicine he proposes is what he had envisioned for the American University’s Antiracist Research and Policy Center (the precursor to the one he leads at Boston). These include several agenda items, mainly to enforce antiracist ideology.

In a separate policy statement also appearing in 2019, he proposed a Constitutional amendment to create another federal TLA agency, the Department of Antiracism. This one not only would supersede the entire legislative branch, but it would also have authority over every government official (presumably including SCOTUS and the President). Back in the day, I recall a Young Communist League member on campus boasting about how Cuba had outlawed racism. Hey, now’s our own chance at last!

It would establish and permanently fund the Department of Anti-racism (DOA) comprised of formally trained experts on racism and no political appointees. The DOA would be responsible for preclearing all local, state and federal public policies to ensure they won’t yield racial inequity, monitor those policies, investigate private racist policies when racial inequity surfaces, and monitor public officials for expressions of racist ideas. The DOA would be empowered with disciplinary tools to wield over and against policymakers and public officials who do not voluntarily change their racist policy and ideas.

It’s not clear who would choose this panel of “formally trained experts” with final authority over all three branches of the government, or who would preside over it, but I think I can guess who might want to be the USA’s first Commissar of Antiracism.

This is your brain on antiracism – any questions?

I’m afraid that this book just wasn’t convincing.

I get it about walking a mile in someone else’s moccasins. However, after reading How to Be an Antiracist, it felt like I’d participated in the ChiCom Long March while serving as Mao Zedong’s Groom of the Stool. All told, it rates at least 8.5 on the Chutzpah Meter.

Anyway, if you’ve ever wondered what students learn in African American studies classes, now you’ve had a glimpse. Obviously, there are major agendas packaged with this. One thing I can say for How to Be an Antiracist is that the author has bundled up most of the Leftist talking points about race into a single book. It reveals in plain sight what they believe and want to do, not loaded up with obfuscating jargon or tucked away in obscure publications for a limited target audience of activists and fellow travelers.

Whew! There’s a lot of ground covered. . . Religion is all about the racial struggle. Every single law must be judged against the standard of promoting equality of results. This must be made the overriding principle of the legislature. Everyone who disagrees even slightly with antiracism (as formulated) is an enemy. Everyone who fails to promote it enthusiastically is an enemy. The list goes on. So here we have it — antiracism is a totalitarian ideology. What are we to make of all this?

Although How to Be an Antiracist promotes radical race denialism, it seems more oddly fixated on race than the most far-out “wignat” one can imagine — maybe someone who chews raw meat for breakfast and thinks William Pierce was way too liberal. Really, I have difficulty understanding how the author can have such a one-track mind. Then again, I’m not an academic barnacle, community agitator, professional demagogue, or other such grifter whose livelihood depends on inflaming grievances and promoting the Party Line. This racket can be quite profitable, thanks to an ideological climate where academia and the MSM bestow sinecures and perks upon these clowns: professorships, lucrative publishing contracts, the mantle of prestige as wise authorities on race relations, etc. The book seems almost a parody of what a Social Justice Warrior would write. However, this is the real deal, from someone wildly successful at monetizing the chip on his shoulder, lavished by The System with tremendous amounts of influence.

Again and again, I was losing my patience with these tales of woe. If Kendi were a white nationalist instead, everything would be sunshine and roses.

Other than all advocacy organizations on his side being smeared as “hate groups,” hostile media coverage, Social Justice Warriors trying to get him fired from his job, being blacklisted by well-funded “watchdog” outfits with the ear of law enforcement, censorship by monopoly social media platforms to prevent him from access to the free marketplace of ideas, the risk of getting hit on the head with a bike lock by some maniac, the possibility of getting sprayed in the face with chemicals by masked anarchists while the MSM cheerleads for them and the police look the other way, the political establishment hell-bent on dispossessing his people, and other minor inconveniences.

Yeah, just tell me how awful you have it, pal.

In the world that the antiracists want, what is the intended role of whites? Anyone who deviates from The Narrative will be considered an enemy. So is anyone who lacks sufficient enthusiasm about it. We’re supposed to cooperate happily with our own dispossession until we’re dragged down in every socioeconomic metric to black levels. Come on, tell us something new! From the countless lemmings who gave top reviews to this book and buy into that nonsense, the picture doesn’t look encouraging. These ethnomasochists and pathological altruists can be expected to be treated as shabbily as feminist allies; nobody appreciates servility.

Final thoughts

Even as dysfunctional as Marxism-Leninism is, it makes more sense than cultural Marxism. Dialectical materialism is all about economics and class relations, effectively looking at the world through green-tinted Wizard of Oz lenses. Although this reductive approach loses clarity, it’s actually fairly easy to measure economic status and progress. Economists do this all the time, making their living drawing up nice charts for us. Moreover, poverty sucks for everyone in the same way, no matter how many intersectionality points someone has.

Cultural Marxism brings lots of other factors to the table. Feminists view the world in terms of sex relations, radical GLBTs put on the lavender glasses, minority activists see everything in terms of their own identity politics, and so forth. Intersectionality chows down on the entire cultural Marxism buffet. Typically, grievances are weighed according to cherry-picked factoids, discussion of amorphous forces like “privilege,” comparing relative butthurt — in other words, the Victimization Olympics. That’s practically impossible to sort out coherently, consistently, and justly. On the other hand, it’s easy to look at something like a graph about economic inequality by class over time to see how well globalist free trade policies are working out for the masses.

The only groups in this scheme who aren’t supposed to have a voice are the so-called oppressors. Heading the list are the whites who built advanced societies and developed most of the world’s technology. Now, we’re starting to get crowded out of our own countries by ingrates who act like they own the place. When we finally get sick of this nonsense, the professional activists should be put on the first boat out of here.

Until then, I have a different answer to the demands of the critical race theory dweebs, and a very simple one: no.

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anti-racismBeau AlbrechtBlacks in Americabook reviewscritical race theorycultural MarxismHow to Be an AntiracistIbram X. Kendiidentity politics

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20 comments

  1. Ray Caruso says:
    December 1, 2020 at 12:05 pm

    Read this book and do the opposite.

  2. James J. O'Meara says:
    December 1, 2020 at 1:29 pm

    “The Donald says he hates his money being counted by blacks. “The only kind of people I want counting my money are short guys that wear yarmulkes every day. . .” Well, that figures.”

    Yes, that’s why his casinos all went bust. Everyone knows you need “some fat Mormon fuck” overseeing the count.

    http://ldsfilm.com/pmstills/Casino_01.jpg

    1. Beau Albrecht says:
      December 1, 2020 at 6:00 pm

      Hey, I resemble that remark! Maybe I can get a side racket on the Vegas strip then, picking up the loot once a month? That’s always a fun vacay, but beware of the timeshare spiels:
      https://rainbowalbrecht.wordpress.com/2018/11/30/are-timeshares-a-scam-or-merely-a-ripoff/

  3. Autobot says:
    December 1, 2020 at 2:52 pm

    You go by their dna percentage African ancestry. Get that from dna analysis, multiply that percentage by 75% and multiply that product by their prison sentence to determine the Antiracist prison sentence.

    I live in an elegant part of the rayciss Deep South, and I lately have observed multiple upper middle class white families with several black children, aged 7-9 in tow. Judging by the dates, I think this trend is related to the movie The Blind Side, an ok Michael Lewis movie. I think their vested interest may be that they think they will get a sports star, in addition to the talismanic aspects. It’s sad because the white population is shrinking, especially the high iq bracket, while the black is increasing, so it would make more sense for them to have more white kids. It shows how powerful myth and narrative are in shaping human behavior.

    1. Beau Albrecht says:
      December 1, 2020 at 6:11 pm

      If – or more likely when – the ideological tide changes, it’s going to be interesting seeing how quickly all the virtue signaling of the present starts to be regarded in an entirely different light.

    2. Andrew says:
      December 1, 2020 at 8:23 pm

      ‘The South’ is dead gone + not coming back in our lifetime.
      I see the same upper middle class White Families with 1-2 black children in tow.
      One family at a chapel i occasionally attend has 3 adopted black children.
      It’s not that we have a problem with White people adopting black children it’s exactly what you stated in your comment.
      The White European Race is dying out and there are plenty of White orphans.
      Good comment,my friend.
      P.S. I noticed in “The Blind Side” it’s Sandra Bullock who goes to the rough black section of town alone,without her White Husband.
      That scene alone spoke volumes

      1. Lord Shang says:
        December 3, 2020 at 3:20 am

        Like Amy Coney Barrett. I admit she seems highly intelligent, and maybe her principled commitment to jurisprudential originalism will be enough to make her a valuable addition to the Court. But I did not like her having adopted Haitian children. All I could think of was WHY? WHY??! What is this sickness ….?

  4. Hamburger Today says:
    December 1, 2020 at 3:34 pm

    All political ideologies give form to power. Power, in the end, is what makes them meaningful. If Kendi was just another goofy Black Israelite street-preacher, no one would care what he said or didn’t say.

  5. Vehmgericht says:
    December 1, 2020 at 4:44 pm

    Mr Kendi comes across as an utter dullard when interviewed, barely capable of making a coherent point — let alone a valid one.

    I suspect all his academic and popular literary efforts are ghost-written, perhaps by a person (or persons) of the usual species. It would be an interesting exercise to discover who lies behind this imposture.

    1. Markoff Silithus says:
      December 2, 2020 at 12:33 am

      Indeed, I find it very dubious that an individual who scored barely over 1000 on the SAT would even be capable of writing a semi-coherent book spanning 320 pages. It would not be surprising if it were revealed that large portions of the book were not even written by Kendi. Of course, that information would never see the light of day. Not one MSM publication in good-standing would jeopardize their reputation by exposing the paragon of “anti-racism”.

      1. Autobot says:
        December 2, 2020 at 4:45 am

        That’s average or slightly above average SAT. I’m not saying he definitely wrote the books or didn’t, but that SAT is not really bad or anything.

    2. Beau Albrecht says:
      December 2, 2020 at 5:04 am

      I’m not sure if there is a Stanley Levison behind the scenes or not. My opinion is that the autobiographical details are genuine. The political rhetoric often is fairly similar to existing leftist talking points which students in sociology and the usual “studies” programs get soaked in, though he puts his own spin on some of it. He also seems to have a lengthy factoid file. Finally, a good copy editor can make a rutabaga sparkle like a diamond.

  6. Fionn McCool says:
    December 1, 2020 at 7:38 pm

    “The first chapter defines ‘racist’ as “One who is supporting a racist policy through their actions or inaction or expressing a racist idea.'”

    LOL word in the definition.

    1. Franklin Ryckaert says:
      December 3, 2020 at 11:26 am

      Yes, that is a tautology: “a racist is a racist”.

  7. Dr ExCathedra says:
    December 2, 2020 at 8:20 am

    I am so busy managing my volcanic rage these days, in order to prevent giving myself a stroke, that I will read neither the book nor the review.

    But I recognize the selfless bravery and guts of Mr Albrecht in performing this beyond-heroic task.

    1. Beau Albrecht says:
      December 3, 2020 at 4:37 am

      The tl;dr is that a Black activist, hyped well beyond his mediocre talents into an authority on race relations, wrote a book blaming White people for everything, and even proposed a federal agency with essentially dictatorial powers to enforce equality of results. Awww, cute!

      I’m happy to slog through all the cultural Marxism so you folks don’t have to! I also like to deflate puffery, and someone has to tell it like it is about this book which has received oceans of slobbering praise.

  8. Alexandra says:
    December 2, 2020 at 12:08 pm

    “Colonizers who believe they’re civilizing savages” . . . and “celebrity airheads need to quit bringing back kids from exotic locales as if they were living souvenirs”, as well as Amy Coney Barrett adopting two Haitian kids, are only the latest examples of this exploding trend. Angelina Jolie had adopted 2 or 3 ‘exotic’ children years ago before having two lovely White kids with Brad Pitt. Pitt ultimately left Jolie over non-stop quarrels about the ‘adopted’ kids, either with them directly, or with Jolie’s beliefs in how they should be raised and praised. Further, hearing about Barrett’s selfless sacrifice and self-righteous love simply reminded me of my own upbringing in a mixed-race household (I’ll never call it a ‘family, though my dear mother’s heart was in the right place). I realize now this was the cause of my loneliness, depression, and lack of focus in school and life itself (though I scored 95 out of 100 on the Iowa Tests in 1959 — which were early IQ tests). My mother had remarried when I was 11 in hopes of creating a family for me after her husband had died. She married a nice German man who had made the mistake of marrying a Mexican woman, and having three kids, then losing her to alcoholism. They were all older than me, never spoke to me and never included me in their social groups (actually that was a blessing) and our family lived in mostly silence for the next seven years until they graduated one by one and got jobs and moved. Whatever you do in life, DO NOT have a mixed-race family!

    And what worries me most about what now appears to be a burgeoning trend, is that it will become the epitome of ‘Leftist ‘Virtue Signaling’ — or, as the author notes, ‘if they have or adopt a child of color, then they can’t be racist’. Yet one more assault on White family growth we have to grapple with.

    1. Lord Shang says:
      December 3, 2020 at 4:42 am

      I am sorry for your past suffering. I have had many misfortunes, too. I wonder if such are harder to bear by the highly intelligent? I think sometimes, yes.

      Why do you write this way?

      “My mother had remarried when I was 11 in hopes of creating a family for me after her husband had died.” By “her husband” do you mean your father?

      I totally oppose mixed race families, for both individual and racial-collective reasons. But perhaps your experience was also a function of the mestizos not wanting to be there, either (as well as your not wanting them there in your life). I think such “blending”, especially when it involves children of different races, is just appallingly inconsiderate. Your mother should have simply made it an ironclad rule only to date men without children, or at the very least, only men with white children.

      The only answer, again, is white nationalism leading to white separatism.

  9. Liam says:
    December 3, 2020 at 9:19 am

    I gotta say that was one hell of a book review, you could not pay me enough to sit and read this pompous ass going on and on with drivel. Suburbs created for white flight? Having a yard and quiet would’nt have a fucking thing to do with wanting to move out of the city? And the only reason you live in a ghetto is you make it that way because once the whites were FORCED to leave it fell to shi!t clean up and live with a little community pride is that too much to ask? I wish we whites wrote books as colorful as this outlining what reality truly is and not politically correct. This guy gets a standing applause for writing this garbage and perpetuates the black son story over and over. If I’m racist it’s because I read this fuckers book.

  10. Minerva’s Student says:
    December 6, 2020 at 2:25 am

    This Kendi fellow strikes me as being very narcissistic among other things. How to understand and deal with the likes of him and his type is to learn more about narcissism, to analyze, and in some cases respond to them. There are some very good channels on YouTube that can help normies : Dr.Ramani, Dr.Todd Grande ( also does profiles on murderers), Les Carter.

    At times in discussions with friends and family about SJW/Woke/ Kendi etc/Welcome All Migrants etc types learning from these channels personally made me more effective without being confrontational.

    As an aside, it has also helped in understanding work and personal relationships.

    Best regards to all

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