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Print December 31, 2014

O morální vážnosti

Greg Johnson

NewRightOldRight1crop1,008 words

English original here

“This ain’t no party. This ain’t no disco.
This ain’t no foolin’ around.”
—
„Tohle není žádná párty, tohle není žádná diskotéka
Žádný prostor na to, dělat hlouposti“

—Talking Heads, “Life During Wartime”

V subkultuře bílého nacionalismu se pohybuji od roku 2000 a své zkušenosti bych označil jako veskrze – i když nikoliv výhradně – pozitivní. Nejobtížnější sousto pro mě neznamenali šejdíři a šílenci, ale všeobjímající pocit nedostatku morální vážnosti – dokonce i mezi těmi nejznalejšími a nejzásadovějšími bílými nacionalisty. Znám lidi, kteří skutečně a upřímně věří, že naše rasa je vystavena úmyslné politice genocidy, vytvořené organizovanou židovskou komunitou. Přesto však tváří tvář této hrůze gigantických rozměrů pokračují v životech plných marnivosti, pošetilosti a požitkářství.

Mám za to, že k naší věci přilákáme více lidí dodržováním následujících zásad: 1) každý si sám určuje intenzitu a explicitnost svého zapojení a 2) my ostatní jeho rozhodnutí budeme respektovat. Naše snahy však nijak nepokročí, dokud nedokážeme přesvědčit lidi, aby 1) učinili v plném rozsahu to, čeho jsou schopni v rámci své zvolené míry zapojení, a 2) aby tuto míru rozšiřovali – a tím i riziko, které jsou pro boj ochotní podstoupit. Abychom toho ale dosáhli, musíme se nejprve vypořádat s problémem morální vážnosti.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří by bez váhání uprostřed dne běželi ulicí a zplna hrdla křičeli „Zloděj!“, kdyby jim někdo zrovna kradl auto. Tváří tvář krádeži celé civilizace a samotné budoucnosti naší rasy se však zmůžou jen na chabé, ze stínu šeptané eufemismy.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří si plně uvědomují závažnost židovské otázky, kteří na vlastní oči viděli židovskou subverzi a následné převzetí jedné pravicové instituce za druhou – a přesto si myslí, že nějakým způsobem mohou Židy „využít “.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří si jsou zcela vědomi zkorumpovanosti politického establishmentu, a přesto se nechávají strhnout předvolebními kampaněmi. Znám otevřené nacionální socialisty, kteří darovali více peněz Republikánům než našemu hnutí.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří utratí 50 tisíc dolarů ročně za drinky a „služby“ ve striptýzových barech – nebo 30 tisíc dolarů ročně za jídlo v restauracích – nebo 25 tisíc ročně za oblečení – nebo 100 tisíc za svatbu, ale přesto si hořce stěžují na pomalý postup hnutí.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří odevzdávají nezanedbatelné desátky církevním organizacím, podporujícím protibělošská opatření a politiku, a ani neuvažují o pravidelném dárcovství probílým skupinám a iniciativám.

Znám lidi ideologicky napravo od Hitlera, podle nichž bychom nikdy neměli zdůrazňovat, že bojujeme za bílou rasu nebo proti židovské moci, kteří si ale přesto myslí, že sympatizanti budou z nějakého důvodu následovat nás – a nikoliv jednu z desetitisíců rasově slepých, košer konzervativních skupin.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří věří, že je naše rasa vyhlazována z povrchu zemského, kteří ale přesto trvají na to, že naši nepřátelé „nevědí, co činí“; že jde o pomýlené, v zásadě ale dobré lidi a celá tahle věc je ve skutečnosti jedním velkým nedorozuměním.

Znám bílé nacionalisty, kteří by se za žádnou cenu nepřiznali k nenávisti k čemukoliv – dokonce ani supovi, trhajícímu jejich vnitřnosti.

Nikdo je k takovému chování nenutí. Všichni se pohybují v jimi vymezených zónách komfortu. Každý z nich by mohl udělat více, dokonce i v rámci této zóny. Proč se tedy nechovají s morální vážností a důležitostí, jaké by si zničení všeho co je nám drahé, zasluhovalo?

Napadají mě dvě možná vysvětlení. Zaprvé: v hloubi svých srdcí tito lidé nevěří, že bychom skutečně mohli uspět, a tak se vlastně ani nesnaží. Zadruhé – a důležitěji – se stále drží buržoazního modelu života.

Skutečné priority každého člověka vycházejí najevo až při konfrontaci se smrtí.

Skutečný intelektuál si cení pravdy výše než života samotného. Když byl Sókratés nucen volit mezi zanecháním filozofie a smrtí, zvolil smrt – a proto navždy zůstává hrdinou intelektuálů. Většina z nich podobně vyhraněné volbě nečelí, doufají však, že by byli v krajním případě schopni obdobného heroismu, neboť nic nedokazuje oddanost pravdě tak, jako mučednická smrt.

Opravdový válečník staví čest nad zachování života. Leónidás a jeho tři sta jsou hrdiny bojovníků, protože při volbě mezi smrtí a hanbou volili smrt. Znova – ne každý bojovník je postaven před takto neúprosnou volbu, přesto však věří, že by byl schopen zemřít slavnou smrtí – nic totiž nedokazuje oddanost cti jako hrdinská smrt.

Pro buržoazního člověka není nic hodnotnějšího než života samého. Ničeho se nebojí více než násilné smrti. Proto neexistuje řádná forma hrdinné smrti, demonstrující skutečnou oddanost buržoazním hodnotám. Skutečný intelektuál umírá jako mučedník, oddaný bojovník pak na bitevním poli. Skutečný buržoa vyhlíží pohodlný důchod a smrt ve spánku.

Jistě, nesčetní američtí vojáci padli v boji za „svobodu“, „demokracii“ a peníze na školné. O jejich životy je však v konečném důsledku připravili lidé, kteří neznají nic, za co by stálo umírat – jen aby mohla buržoazie dál vydělávat, hrát golf a končit své životy na pohodlných lůžcích.

Máme jen jedinou smrt. Proto i lidé, kteří jásají při představě hrdinského mučednictví, musí pečlivě volit své bitvy a ujistit se, že jejich smrt bude mít smysl. Ano, musíme si určit vlastní tempo. Ano, nesmíme své životy zahodit. A ano, nelze žít každý den, jako by to byl ten poslední.

Tato fakta se ale mohou snadno stát racionalizací zbabělosti. V jistém momentě si totiž musíme položit otázku, na co se vlastně šetříme. S sebou si to vzít nemůžeme. A úspěch v konečném důsledku nevychází z toho, že se ušetříme, ale že se vydáme. To co nevydáme, nám stejně nakonec vezme smrt.

Právě na vyhýbání se této jednoduché, ponuré skutečnosti se však zakládá celý buržoazní sen. Buržoa usiluje o věčné jaro a trvalý mír, o „žili spolu šťastně navěky“ na sluncem zalitém golfovém hřišti, zbavené tragické volby i velikosti, prosté ideálů, schopných probodnout jeho srdce a prolít jeho krev.

Nemůžete svrhnout systém, jehož součástí zůstáváte. Nemůžete vyzvat vládce tohoto světa a spoléhat se na dosažení důchodového věku. Nemůžete bojovat se Sauronem a myslet na zadní vrátka. Tváří tvář zlu, které hrozí zničením celého světa, si nemůžeme dovolit zůstat takovými lidmi.

Úvaha Grega Johnsona Moral Seriousness vyšla na stránkách Counter-Currents Publishing. Jedná se o součást jedné z esejí z knihy New Right vs. Old Right, dostupné v paperbacku, pevné vazbě a e-formátech Kindle i Nook zde.

Source: http://deliandiver.org/2014/12/o-moralni-vaznosti.html

 

O morální vážnosti

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Writer & Article of the Month June 2026

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Top Writers

  • #1 David M. Zsutty 4 votes
  • #2 Mark Gullick 3 votes
  • #3 Morris van de Camp 2 votes
  • #4 Ondrej Mann 2 votes
  • #5 Dani Vypont 2 votes
  • #6 Greg Johnson 2 votes
  • #7 Collin Cleary 1 vote
  • #8 Millennial Woes 1 vote
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  • #11 Steven Tucker 1 vote
  • #12 Jayant Bhandari 1 vote

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  • #1 Why White Advocates Should Avoid “Based Blacks” 4 votes
  • #2 Zsutty’s Maximum 3 votes
  • #3 The Murder of Henry Nowak 2 votes
  • #4 Uncivil War 1 vote
  • #5 Liar, Liar, Pants on Fire! 1 vote
  • #6 Small Is Beautiful: The Napoleon of Notting Hill 1 vote
  • #7 Interview with Gerhard Hallstatt of Allerseelen 1 vote
  • #8 Monkeys and Typewriters 1 vote
  • #9 The Remigration Movement Solidifies  1 vote
  • #10 I’m Glad He Failed 1 vote
  • #11 The Killing of Henry Nowak 1 vote
  • #12 Alex Jones’ Endgame: Blueprint for Global Enslavement, Part 4 1 vote
  • #13 China’s Threat to American Security 1 vote
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  • #15 The Inferiority Behind Immigrant Superiority 1 vote

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