Print this post Print this post

Fifty Years of Cant

1,459 words

mlk-dayLike the “Sharpeville massacre” in South Africa,[1] and the USA’s “Wounded Knee” confrontation between US troops and Indians,[2] the exaggerations of the authorities’ reaction to the civil rights marches and protests in the Southern states during the 1960s, led by Martin Luther King, provides world Liberaldom and its string-pullers with a moral rectitude analogous to the heart-rending account of Holocaust survival in works such as Binjamin Wilkomirski’s Fragments: Memories of a Wartime Childhood,[3] and an major part of the ongoing Black history narrative brought to scholarly credibility by Basil Davidson’s magnum opus,[4] or Alex Haley’s Roots,[5] a brilliant history of Black Slavery and literary plagiarism.[6] Every white state or former white state that has a significant non-white population has its own non-white narrative, whether they are stories of the Reconstruction Era Ku Klux Klan, New Zealand’s Parihaka “invasion,”[7] Mandela’s “Long March to Freedom,” for the benefit of global capitalism, or the mythic “extermination” of the indigenous Tasmanians.[8]

With the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s “I have a dream” speech from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington,[9] and with the current agonising on the impending death of Nelson Mandela,[10] we are indeed fortunate to be living at this time, to be reminded simultaneously of the heroism and vision of both King and Mandela. In particular, they are lauded as examples of a Christ-like passive resistance, of love of one’s enemies and of turning the other cheek; as the paragons of all that could be godly in humanity, if only we could follow the examples of these humble, noble darkies.

There is something that is usually missing in considering the implications of the “passive resistance” of which King is regarded as one of the great exponents. “Passive resistance” is a strategy of tension. It is designed to oblige state authorities to use force to maintain order. It can then be claimed that the state was undertaking aggression against peaceful protestors. It is the means by which Te Whiti harassed the hapless colonial settlers of Taranaki, New Zealand, year-after-year, defying the law in destroying the livelihoods of humble framers and their families, while the British colonial authorities, condemned today as so merciless, vacillated, until finally invading the filthy village that has become an icon, and peacefully disbursed the followers of a religious lunatic (Te Whiti) of Jim Jones-type psychopathy.[11] Parihaka, Wounded Knee, the Selma March, Sharpeville; all are of a certain type: a great mythos has been woven about scabrous antics disguised as “noble” through an avalanche of literary and verbal dysentery of mostly “white” and Jewish emanation.

That such “passive resistance” is designed not merely to highlight a cause, but to cause a confrontation is not usually recognised, or more likely, deliberately obscured. Therefore when Martin Luther King flooded Blacks, and a goodly number of Whites and Jews from the North, into the Southern states, his aim was to create disruption and force the authorities to take action in the only manner they could – physically. When appeals to disperse are unheeded, there is no other option.

King, like Mandela, is today heralded as a “moderate” whose wise counsel and restraint prevented violence. However, in reality King, who like Mandela and Rosa Parks, seems to have been a Communist functionary,[12] in his condemnation of “moderates,” described the strategy in his famous “Letter from a Birmingham Jail”:

Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the creation of tension as part of the work of the nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word ‘tension’. I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. . . . The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. [13]

King talked of “nonviolent tension” and fostering “crisis.” King even disparaged the lenient manner that Southern police dealt with the public disorder he caused, as such leniency did not serve the strategy of tension and crisis.[14] Addressing himself to “fellow clergymen,” the “Letter” was specifically aimed at his moderate critics. He described his actions as “a process of self-purification,” indicative of a Messiah complex. To the “moderates” he wrote:

I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate . . .[15]

King also lamented the restraint that was used on his mobs by the Southern police. Their restraint did not provide sufficient martyr status to the Blacks, in King’s views, but perhaps he was underestimating the ability of the corporate media to contrive a myth of Southern hate and violence. King wrote of this lamentable Southern leniency:

It is true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handling the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather “non-violently” in public. But for what purpose? To preserve the evil system of segregation. Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice.[16]

Beneath the rhetoric about Jesus, et al. King sought a violent confrontation and martyrdom that verges on the mania of a Te Whiti or Jim Jones in hoping for martyrdom. What thoughts of glory might have flashed through his brain when struck by an assassin’s bullet five years later? “Glory, hallelujah, now I will ascend and stand beside the right hand of God.”

The type of “passive resistance” that is intended to force a physical reaction from the state authorities, in order to claim martyr status, is moral humbug; it is hypocrisy. It is analogous to the riots against the Springbok rugby tour of New Zealand in 1981 when police confronted thousands of helmeted demonstrators who were carrying shields, and where gang members were put at the front lines. The necessity of police to establish public order against demonstrators running riot has become part of the New Zealand postmodern narrative that has supposedly “defined who we are,” and the situation is the same, although on a much bigger scale, in the USA vis-à-vis King and the “Freedom Marchers.”

The supposedly idyllic existence of today’s post-apartheid South Africa, “the Rainbow Nation,” is apparently sufficient justification for the riots, just as are the apparently wonderful gains made by Afro-Americans as the result of King’s riots to desegregate the South. Now Afro-American children have the freedom to violently run amok in the hallways and classrooms of desegregated schools, making teaching impossible, and the Bantu have the freedom to kill Boer farmers and turn a once prosperous nation into yet another African basket case – under the benevolent smiles of Saint Nelson and Saint King.


[1] K. R. Bolton, The Parihaka Cult (London: Black House Publishing, 2012), 12–13

[2] Bolton, The Parihaka Cult, 10–11.

[3] Mark Weber, “Holocaust Survivor Memoir Exposed as Fraud,” The Journal of Historical Review, Sept.-Oct. 1998 (Vol. 17, No. 5), pages 15–16.

[4] Basil Davidson, Old Africa Rediscovered (London: Victor Gollancz, 1959).

[5] Alex Haley, Roots (1976).

[6] Bolton, The Parihaka Cult, 9.

[7] Bolton, The Parihaka Cult, passim.

[8] Bolton, The Parihaka Cult, 11.

[9] Presumably in honor of Lincoln’s desire to see the removal of Blacks from the USA to Liberia (?).

[10] Whose health was so ruined from internment by the dastardly Boers, merely for planning terrorist bombings with other Communist Party functionaries, that he is starting to succumb to lung disease at a mere 95 (still a veritable whipper-snapper of a lad).

[11] Bolton, The Parihaka Cult, passim.

[12] Jim Dean, “Truth has consequences, “ Georgia Heritage Council,

[13] M. L. King, “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” April 16, 1963,

[14] King, “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.”

[15] King, “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.”

[16] King, “Letter from a Birmingham Jail.”



  1. Posted January 20, 2014 at 3:09 pm | Permalink

    Good one. Linked and quoted here:
    Milking MLK

  2. R_Moreland
    Posted January 21, 2014 at 4:43 am | Permalink

    Has anyone on the alternative right considered studying the methods of the civil rights movement/1960s New Left to see if there are lessons to be learned?

    You’d think that with all the history from that era, and all the manuals for agitprop and guerrilla theater and community organizing, activist tactics might be on the table for discussion.

    For example, march onto a campus and openly defy its speech code. When the administration tries to crack down, make it into a civil liberties issue. Free Speech versus censorship! First Amendment versus repression!

    Attack the contradictions of the liberal establishment.

    Make them live up to their stated principles.

    OK, let’s say you march onto a campus and “anti-racists” attack you. Get it on video. Then disseminate it via the internet, or friendly media. (Yes, there is friendly media, you just have to work to find it.) Act nobly. Defend yourself. Now you have the moral high ground. You’re the ones crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge. You’re the ones standing down the police dogs.

    It might take some preparation. And some discipline. And getting a couple of lawyers involved. And maybe even losing a job or two. No one said a struggle is going to be easy.

    The game may be stacked against you, but if you do not play, how do you plan to win?

    • Posted January 22, 2014 at 4:10 am | Permalink

      Did you intentionally write this as a checklist of things we’ve been actively doing?

  3. Ray Caruso
    Posted January 18, 2021 at 6:12 am | Permalink

    Basil Davidson, a professional propagandist for the myth of black civilization. That name is (((suspect))).

Post a Comment

Your email is never published nor shared.
Comments are moderated. If you don't see your comment, please be patient. If approved, it will appear here soon. Do not post your comment a second time.
Required fields are marked *

You may use these HTML tags and attributes: <a href="" title=""> <abbr title=""> <acronym title=""> <b> <blockquote cite=""> <cite> <code> <del datetime=""> <em> <i> <q cite=""> <s> <strike> <strong>


This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

  • Our Titles

    White Identity Politics

    Here’s the Thing

    Trevor Lynch: Part Four of the Trilogy

    Graduate School with Heidegger

    It’s Okay to Be White


    The Enemy of Europe

    The World in Flames

    The White Nationalist Manifesto

    From Plato to Postmodernism

    The Gizmo

    Return of the Son of Trevor Lynch's CENSORED Guide to the Movies

    Toward a New Nationalism

    The Smut Book

    The Alternative Right

    My Nationalist Pony

    Dark Right: Batman Viewed From the Right

    The Philatelist

    Novel Folklore

    Confessions of an Anti-Feminist

    East and West

    Though We Be Dead, Yet Our Day Will Come

    White Like You

    The Homo and the Negro, Second Edition

    Numinous Machines

    Venus and Her Thugs


    North American New Right, vol. 2

    You Asked For It

    More Artists of the Right

    Extremists: Studies in Metapolitics


    The Importance of James Bond

    In Defense of Prejudice

    Confessions of a Reluctant Hater (2nd ed.)

    The Hypocrisies of Heaven

    Waking Up from the American Dream

    Green Nazis in Space!

    Truth, Justice, and a Nice White Country

    Heidegger in Chicago

    The End of an Era

    Sexual Utopia in Power

    What is a Rune? & Other Essays

    Son of Trevor Lynch's White Nationalist Guide to the Movies

    The Lightning & the Sun

    The Eldritch Evola

    Western Civilization Bites Back

    New Right vs. Old Right

    Lost Violent Souls

    Journey Late at Night: Poems and Translations

    The Non-Hindu Indians & Indian Unity

    Baader Meinhof ceramic pistol, Charles Kraaft 2013

    Jonathan Bowden as Dirty Harry

    The Lost Philosopher, Second Expanded Edition

    Trevor Lynch's A White Nationalist Guide to the Movies

    And Time Rolls On

    The Homo & the Negro

    Artists of the Right

    North American New Right, Vol. 1

    Some Thoughts on Hitler

    Tikkun Olam and Other Poems

    Under the Nihil

    Summoning the Gods

    Hold Back This Day

    The Columbine Pilgrim

    Confessions of a Reluctant Hater

    Taking Our Own Side

    Toward the White Republic

    Distributed Titles


    The Node

    The New Austerities

    Morning Crafts

    The Passing of a Profit & Other Forgotten Stories

    Gold in the Furnace