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Print October 28, 2021 5 comments

Metternich, the Anti-Nationalist?

Robert Hampton

1,523 words

Wolfram Siemann
Metternich: Strategist and Visionary
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2019

Julius Evola called Klemens von Metternich the “last great European.” The Right-wing philosopher saw the Austrian statesman as his ideal leader instead of the fascist strongmen he saw in his own time. Statements like this have made the Right partial to Metternich, seeing him as a leader who tried to reverse the poison unleashed by the French Revolution. This positive assessment is further enhanced by liberal historiography that paints Metternich as an arch-reactionary absolutist — which is music to the ears of Right-wingers.

But that impression may be mistaken. German historian Wolfram Siemann depicts a very different man in his recent biography, Metternich: Strategist and Visionary. Instead of a statesman who tried to impose the vision of Joseph de Maistre on the Continent, we find a proto-European Union technocrat instead. Siemann emphasizes that his cosmopolitan subject was a conservative who favored institutions over Volk.

Siemann’s main goal in his book is to refute the image of Metternich as handed down by the Austrian historian Heinrich von Srbik. Srbik was a pan-German nationalist who joined the National Socialist party after the Anschluss. His multi-volume biography of Metternich is still considered the standard work in the German-speaking world (it has never been translated into English). Srbik portrayed Metternich as an out-of-touch conservative who opposed nationalism and forced Germans to live in a multicultural state. Siemann attacks Srbik for believing in biological race and asserting that nations are defined by their people rather than by their institutions.

The long-dead Austrian historian is probably the second-most referenced figure in this biography besides Metternich himself. Siemann cannot go five pages without dismissing Srbik’s work. This makes an odd read for Americans who have never heard of Srbik. Most of the Introduction is dedicated to refuting Srbik as well. Very few English-language academic works — especially ones put out by the big publishers — dedicate so much time and effort to challenging a single historian’s work. Moreover, Siemann appears to confirm much of Srbik’s general assessment; the difference is that Siemann finds anti-nationalism a good thing.

Metternich was one of the greatest diplomats, if not the greatest diplomat, to have ever lived. He helped engineer a grand alliance against Napoleon and orchestrated the Concert of Europe that led to many years of peace and stability on the Continent after the Napoleonic Wars ended. This review will not cover these points, as they are less relevant to our concerns, and will instead focus on Metternich’s political philosophy and his tense relationship with German nationalism.

Siemann refutes the image of Metternich as a Maistrean reactionary. He was rather a Burkean conservative who deeply admired England and its parliamentary system. He advocated for “enlightened” reforms in Habsburg lands and was a firm opponent of neo-absolutism. He was also not a devout Christian, and in his personal correspondence he lamented the intolerance and bigotry of the faith.

The main ideological influence on Metternich, besides his own experience, was Edmund Burke. Siemann outlines Burke’s influence on Metternich as follows:

  • He believed that the Glorious Revolution was conservative because it sought to preserve the existing constitution and its aristocratic orientation. The French Revolution was definitely not, as it led to regicide, fanaticism, and anarchy.
  • He supported cautious reform that respected traditions and did not harm fundamental social institutions. Metternich and Burke both believed that the law and the constitution should develop slowly and organically.
  • His concept of reform was defined by the historical manifestation of rights and privileges.
  • He believed that pre-revolutionary France was not a despotic state.
  • His view was that the bourgeois financial oligarchy supported the French Revolution in order to obtain aristocratic and clerical property. This group was supported by the intellectual class, and both groups hid their true purpose from the masses.
  • He viewed the nobility’s task as being to mediate between the people and the monarch. This is done through institutions.
  • He held that the French Revolution concerned all of Europe because it threatened Europe’s shared foundations.
  • He believed that the French should simply have abolished the absolutist monarchy and restored their traditional constitution.

These beliefs would shape how Metternich conducted affairs throughout his long tenure of service.

You can buy Greg Johnson’s Toward a New Nationalism here

Metternich’s ideas about nations and nationalities were certainly out of sync with those of contemporary nationalists. Siemann argues that Metternich and his fellow conservatives were primarily opposed to the unity of nation, language, and territory. This, in their opinion, could only lead to war and chaos. It was better to define a nation by its rulers and institutions. Nationalities could still retain their identity within a state, but they could not demand that the state reflect their identity alone. Siemann compares this to the European Union, where nation-states exist within it but the individual states do not conform to a single European national identity. What unites these EU nation-states isn’t blood or culture, but shared laws and a constitution. This sounds remarkably like Conservative Inc. talking points.

Metternich considered himself a German, but was hostile to the idea of a unified German state for Germans alone. He envisioned many ethnic minorities existing within the greater German state where they could retain their language and culture. What would unite Germany was a nice little constitution and a monarchy.

German nationalists had different ideas. They wanted a Germany for Germans and felt blood was more important than institutions. German nationalism began to emerge during the Napoleonic Wars and continued to grow in the years immediately afterwards. Young students would gather together to sing patriotic songs, burn anti-German books, and swear their lives to the nation to come. The universities and student fraternities were the primary incubators of nationalism in German-speaking Europe.

The apparent danger in this movement came to the fore with the murder of conservative playwright August von Kotzebue by the nationalist student Karl Sand. Kotzebue was notorious for criticizing nationalists, and he was further hated for writing “immoral” plays. Sand intended the murder to inspire his fellow nationalists and demonstrate the movement’s seriousness. His stature was only raised upon his arrest and execution. Sand was no crank, but an intelligent student who was able to speak for his generation. German nationalists were moved by what they saw as his sacrifice for his people, and Sand became a martyr. His act inspired others to attempt to copy his propaganda of the deed.

Metternich and his class were horrified by the murder and felt more would follow unless they took dramatic action. They reacted to it in much the same fashion that our rulers have reacted to Charlottesville and January 6. Metternich issued the infamous Carlsbad Decrees of 1819 in the hope that they would strangle the nationalist movement. Student fraternities were banned, freedom of the press was eliminated, and nationalist professors and civil servants were dismissed.

Siemann defends the Carlsbad Decrees as necessary measures against a dangerous movement. The author ties these acts to contemporary events in the Epilogue, making the similarity to modern censorship efforts all too clear. Siemann questions whether freedom should allow institutions to be attacked, politicians to be threatened, anti-Semitism and “incitement of the masses” to be spread, and the youth to sing songs about sacrifice and hate. The historian argues that an independent judiciary and “good criminal law” keep a lid on these excesses. In the same way, Metternich’s measures weren’t repressive but merely tried to preserve public order — or so Siemann believes.

Liberals today make the same arguments in order to censor nationalists today. “Their words cause violence and spread hate! We can’t let the youth be brainwashed by these dangerous ideologues. We must limit speech for the sake of democracy and freedom!” It makes sense that Siemann sees a proto-EU technocrat in Metternich. It’s the best way to sell him to the twenty-first century public.

Metternich, of course, was not quite an EU technocrat. He wasn’t fond of democracy, and he believed monarchy was the best form of government. As an aristocrat, he felt his class should continue to rule and retain its privileges. He didn’t espouse human rights or gender equality, either.

But despite his many admirable qualities and superb statesmanship, a reader can still see Siemann’s point. Metternich stressed norms, cosmopolitanism, and deference to institutional power — much like our present elites. Identitarians have more in common with the nationalists Metternich persecuted than with the man himself. We also strive for an ideal that is being condemned by the powers-that-be. We also want a homogeneous nation that realizes our people’s destiny. We also value our people more than institutions. And we are dreamers as well. Karl Sand and his sympathizers deserve more of our attention, even if they were labelled the “liberals” of their day.

One can admire Metternich as a statesman while being clear-headed about what he represented. It’s nonsensical simply to adore him because he was an authoritarian or a conservative figure who liberals don’t immediately see as a racist. He wasn’t like us, and it is only his leadership qualities that we should learn from.

Metternich wasn’t the “last great European.” There are many Europeans like him today. They’re just not as bright, sensible, or stylish.

*  *  *

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Tags

anti-nationalismAugust von Kotzebuebook reviewsCarlsbad DecreesconservatismEdmund BurkeEuropean UnionFrench RevolutionGerman NationalismHeinrich von SrbikJoseph de MaistreJulius EvolaKarl SandKlemens von MetternichliberalismMetternich: Strategist and VisionarymonarchismnationalismpaywallRobert HamptonWolfram Siemann

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5 comments

  1. Pusheen says:
    October 28, 2021 at 7:38 am

    All this makes sense considering that the greatest threat to the Austro-Hungarian Empire was nationalism. He was only a conservative, or reactionary, in relation to the politics of the time. A lot of his work was about keeping Hungarian and Italian nationalism in check. He was a good diplomat and negotiator, but he was about maintaining the status quo. I don’t see the relevance of him today, as far as I know he didn’t even do anything for  aristocracy as such, he just held a ungainly, multicultural Empire together.

     

     

     

    1. Reed Johnson says:
      October 28, 2021 at 9:52 am

      “…he just held a ungainly, multicultural Empire together.”

       

      Yes. That’s exactly it. And while that no doubt takes enormous skill and intellect, it’s going to be of little benefit for the racial survival of any host ethnicity forced to live, and suffer, under that yoke. So Metternich’s accomplishments, in full context, are a major net negative.

       

  2. Reed Johnson says:
    October 28, 2021 at 9:44 am

    “One can admire Metternich as a statesman while being clear-headed about what he represented.”

    Admire the skill. Just not the intent and result.

    “Srbik portrayed Metternich as an out-of-touch conservative who opposed nationalism and forced Germans to live in a multicultural state.”

    That seems to be the long and short of the man. We find racial nationalism the most natural thing in the world. Other forces like Metternich are terrified of us. But cui bono, who ever benefits, from a multicultural state? It’s obviously not the mass of ordinary ethnicities forced to share the same miserable state with one another.

    “He [Metternich] envisioned many ethnic minorities existing within the greater German state where they could retain their language and culture.”

    How quaint. I’m sure he lived in yesterday’s version of an aristocratic gated community. Metternich’s mouth and pen wrote checks his body never had to cash; unlike the various peoples who suffered for his actions, with no say in the matter.

    “The universities and student fraternities were the primary incubators of nationalism in German-speaking Europe.”

    I couldn’t have imagined that in my entire lifetime for our cause. What a world away.

    “Metternich and his class were horrified by the murder and felt more would follow unless they took dramatic action.”

    Well, they may have been right.

    “Student fraternities were banned, freedom of the press was eliminated, and nationalist professors and civil servants were dismissed.”

    The more things change, the more they stay the same.

     

  3. S. Clark says:
    October 28, 2021 at 7:30 pm

    Metternich was Kissinger’s idol. He wrote A World Restored about Metternich, and Metternich has a non-nationalist, Ur-globalist appeal to someone like the K.  I agree Metternich was no friend to German nationalism, or to any nationalism. He maintained  there was no concept as a nation, and thought people were happier under a hereditary monarchy honoring its obligations under feudal charters.

    Not a tyranny; a monarch who accepted his duties to serve his realm, and ruled forbearance to his class and to God.

    Very outdated for us, but his suspicions of “the people” have some foundation, especially as he believed language and sentiment didn’t really unify people.  he might have sensed that these virtues can lead to manipulation. He certainly saw enough of that in Napoleon.

    I admired Metternich when he spoke to Napoleon trying to make a peace treaty in 1813. Napoleon blustered: “You know nothing of what goes on in a soldier’s mind. I grew up on the field of battle. A man like me cares little for the lives of a million men.” Metternich replied “If only the words you have just spoken could be heard from one end of Europe to the other.” Napoleon then said “I may lose my throne. But I shall bury the whole world in its ruins.” Metternich said “Sire, you are a lost man.”

    I think most Countercurrents reader’s are on Napoleon’s side, but Metternich’s desire for quiet stability also has a point. What was curious is that Metternich offered Napoleon a good deal: keep his conquests and loot, just go back to France’s borders, but he wouldn’t do it. he wanted to be the emperor of Europe to fulfill his destiny. Metternich distrusted anyone’s “destiny”, especially when backed by a large army.

    You have to remember Metternich saw the effects of revolution: his estates had been plundered by a mob, and he saw a riot in Strasbourg, where a drunken mob stormed the town hall.

    Yet he also favored abolishing feudal dues. When S. America rose in revolution, he urged the major powers to stay out of it. He also worked with Prussia to censor and suppress German nationalism, but also to keep legitimate power, which he felt kept peace and, in turn, prosperity.

    Prince Schwartzenburg, later in the 19th century,was a true reactionary/revolutionary, who wanted to make Austria a genuine super state, abolishing Prussia and absorbing Germany into Austria, as well as most slavic states…in effect, the Grossdeutsches Reich Hitler tried to build. I always thought Hitler was the last gasp of the Hapsburgs.

    So, in some respects, Metternich has his good points. At least he believed in legitimacy and nobility ruling,  not money and “the people”, which means a plutocracy where, inevitably, the people are bought. Money is always a destabilizing force.

     

     

     

    1. Traddles says:
      October 29, 2021 at 9:01 am

      Good points.  As David Starkey said recently in introducing his promising new YouTube channel, we can get guidance from history, but it’s wrong to make exact parallels between figures of the past and those of today.

      Metternich had little in common with today’s globalists.  He was acting in a very different world, and defending different interests, as you suggested.  Based on the principles that he seemed to follow, I’m sure he would be horrified at most of what the globalists are doing.

       

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  • Manifesto del Nazionalismo Bianco
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  • Materials for All Future Historians
  • Love Song of the Australopiths
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  • Trevor Lynch: Part Four of the Trilogy
  • Graduate School with Heidegger
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  • White Like You
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  • North American New Right, vol. 2
  • You Asked For It
  • More Artists of the Right
  • Extremists: Studies in Metapolitics
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  • In Defense of Prejudice
  • Confessions of a Reluctant Hater (2nd ed.)
  • The Hypocrisies of Heaven
  • Waking Up from the American Dream
  • Green Nazis in Space!
  • Truth, Justice, and a Nice White Country
  • Heidegger in Chicago
  • The End of an Era
  • Sexual Utopia in Power
  • What is a Rune? & Other Essays
  • Son of Trevor Lynch’s White Nationalist Guide to the Movies
  • The Lightning & the Sun
  • The Eldritch Evola
  • Western Civilization Bites Back
  • New Right vs. Old Right
  • Journey Late at Night: Poems and Translations
  • The Non-Hindu Indians & Indian Unity
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  • Pulp Fascism
  • The Lost Philosopher, Second Expanded Edition
  • Trevor Lynch’s A White Nationalist Guide to the Movies
  • And Time Rolls On
  • Artists of the Right
  • North American New Right, Vol. 1
  • Some Thoughts on Hitler
  • Tikkun Olam and Other Poems
  • Summoning the Gods
  • Taking Our Own Side
  • Reuben
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  • The New Austerities
  • Morning Crafts
  • The Passing of a Profit & Other Forgotten Stories
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