Jonathan Bowden at the Red, White, & Blue

You can order Jonathan Bowden’s The Cultured Thug here.

1,876 words

Editor’s Note: Today a long-lost clip of Jonathan Bowden speaking at the British National Party’s 2005 Red, White, and Blue event was released on YouTube. This is a transcript. I want to thank whoever found and shared this rare early Bowden.

Now what’s the most important event which has happened in England/Britain in the last two months? And it’s got to be two sets of suicide bombings in the center of our capital city. Now, two days after the one that happened on the first Thursday, I traveled on the central line, which is one of the lines that wasn’t bombed, out to Essex, because I just had business. And people can’t get around the capital in any other way.

Livingston said after the bombings that we’re all standing together, that we’re going to fight on the beaches. The black, the white, the yellow, the brown, we’re all going to fight against the enemy of our system, the enemy of our city, the enemy of multiculturalism: religious fanatics, and so forth, who wished to divide us with these terrible bombs.

Well, there was no one on those tube trains at all. For the most part, it was like traveling on a sort of 18th-century carriage all by oneself, because many people immediately after those bombs, deep underground, were terrified by what had happened. Because there’s a sort of contingent and accidental element to it.

Over time and over many decades, tens of millions of our people at one time or another have got a tube—particularly a deep tube on one of those lines—and they can flash forward or flash back to a moment when they were in a deep tunnel, when it stopped, when nothing came on the intercom, when you waited to get to the next station.

And what happened is the one that was in the deep tunnel near Russell Square, which is on the Piccadilly line, blew himself up in such a way as to create maximum carnage in a deep tunnel that was crowded out with commuters on a particular morning. Which is why they did it.

Now these two groups, who seem only very loosely connected, are in turn only very loosely connected to Al-Qaeda. Because Al-Qaeda has now become an idea of terrorism, which accords with a concept called leaderless resistance, viewed from a terrorist point of view. It’s the idea that you don’t have concentric or radial groups that can be infiltrated by security services. You have small enclosed cellular units, usually around a particular family from a part of the country, and they plan and plot on their own. And they block wind to go on their own.

They have theological accompaniments. They have people who prime them and who prompt them. They have people from Saudi Arabia and Pakistan who flee to Zaire afterwards and are picked up by global police and brought back to the United States via here.

But they’re prompters for people who wish to do these things. And they want to do them civilizationally. They’re not just blowing themselves up because they’re alienated from modern Britain. They’re not just destroying other people as a sort of way of committing suicide. They are making a point in relation to the clash of evident civilizations, which is going on, on this earth at this time.

Islam had an intellectual flowering for about two centuries after Mohamed, and then it went to sleep for a thousand years, and it’s waking up now, and it’s waking up during a period when we’re all alive. And what they are saying, because they have mainstream political demands—the idea that Al-Qaeda is a never-never land group that has no real ideas that relates to real life, who want utopian things like in Islamic world—is only true at one level.

What their median demands are, what their middle level demands are, are the sort of demands that almost everyone in the Arab crescent, that everyone in the Muslim crescent—which is the sixth of humanity overall—want . . . What does Al-Qaeda really want? They want the US out of Saudi Arabia, and they partly obliged them. They want the US out of Iraq. And they’re supporting the Suni insurgency in the middle of that country in order to do so. They want the US and allies, such as ourselves under Blair’s regime, to get out of Afghanistan. They want a Palestinian state, firstly, in accordance with the borders of ‘67. But then they want a Palestinian state that absorb Israel completely, and they want the de-Westernization of the whole of the Gulf and the whole of North Africa and the whole of the Arab crescent.

These are not insane demands. These are demands which are supported in their heart by almost every Arab and almost every Muslim. The idea is that they support the political ends of a median character, but they don’t want a part, for the most part, in the means.

People do not want to blow themselves to pieces. They don’t want to be part of Vanguard groups. Most people are passive, and they look to others to act on their behalf. I meet lots of white people who say to me, “What are you going to do about the state of the country?” And I say to them, “What are you going to do about the state of the country?” Because everybody in almost every group wants somebody else to do something for them.

But most mainstream Muslims, if you get them on their own, will say: “I don’t quite like the bombings, the bloodshed, the heads off, the arms off.” But the political demands of a medium character out of Palestine, out of the Gulf: de-Westernization, our bloc for ourselves, our oil for ourselves. These are just mainstream demands.

The Arab cliques in Saudi Arabia and Egypt—who are totally corrupt and totally dominated by the United States, that virtually picks their cabinets—these are not representative of these Arabs and these Muslims. And we have aligned ourselves with the United States and brought the backwash of their anger here.

But what the liberal multiculturalists, post the Nationality Act of 1948, have forgotten is that if you allow millions of people from the Third World to settle in your own society, they bring with them all of their beefs and all of their grievances and all of their ideas and all of their internal conflicts

And they bring them here. They internalize them here, and they act them out here. So events which occur in faraway countries, of which many people know very little at all, including the leaders of the United States . . . Before the recent invasion of Iraq, a third of US senators had to be taken to the congressional map rooms to show them where Iraq was because they didn’t even know where it was when they were going to bomb it to hell in a couple of weeks. And most of their oil is coming from this area.

And yet, if you allow—and there are six to eight million Muslims in the United States—many, many people to come into your society, they will represent what their group wants. It’s not human necessarily to blow yourselves to pieces, but it is human to want what your group does.

They’re doing nothing unnatural. They’re not doing anything outside of the remit of normal politics at all. They want for their group what we should want for ours. For 50 years, we have had a political elite that has completely disconnected itself from its own population and doesn’t think on behalf of its population, doesn’t act on behalf of its population, and has allowed the chaos of global modernity to come here.

And it’s all very abstract, for most people. It’s worrying. They’re troubled. They’re concerned. They flip channels, they turn over, they have another beer, they look at another soccer match, and another one, and another one after that.

But these bombings in the center of London are something you can’t get away from, because everyone’s been on one of those tubes. Everyone’s been on a bus.

In Israel, they have special squads that go around after suicide bombers to collect their head. Because when they blow themselves to pieces, they have belts around their midriff, and the head and the limbs go off, and the heads end up on the top of buildings and on the top of pylons. And they have a special squad just like the one—its staffed by Ulstermen actually—in the London tube that goes ’round between two and three in the mornings, picking up body parts of people who’ve committed suicide.

They have squads to pick up the body. Why do they do that? Because they want the teeth. Why do they want the teeth? Because they want to be able to find out who they were, so they can find out which refugee camp they came from. Why do they want to do that? Because they then bulldoze the house. And bulldoze the street sometimes in which the “house” was situated.

And Sadam Hussein before he was overthrown by American power and dictate—when he was a former ally and client of theirs, don’t forget, and his party was put into power by the CIA in the early 1960s. He used to pay the family of every suicide bomber in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank $20,000, which is a lot of money, and they will be lauded on Arab and Muslim TV channels across the Middle East.

And often they have a party before they go out for the bombing with all of their relatives there. Because they’re going to get the 76 virgins forever. The family gets 20,000 and the endorsement of Saddam, as was. They get the endorsement of their own media.

Forty percent of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip voted for Hamas in the last local elections. They’re on the polity vote of a 30 to 40%. This is Hamas. This is a movement which, to find a white equivalent of Hamas, you virtually, you’re virtually talking about something like the Church of the Creator or something, as was. But it’s 40% of the people in the Gaza Strip and in the West Bank.

But all of these terrorists and all of these extremists who hide within a passive population of immigrants who come in, are asking something of us. Because they think that we are weak, that we’re decadent, that we don’t believe in God, that we don’t believe in anything, and that we have no spirituality or no values to defend.

And our task in this party is to tell these people—and others and their surrogate supporters like Galloway and people who find sort of excuses for what they do—that we have values, that we have identities, that we have a culture and a civilization, contiguous for three to four to 5,000 years, depending on your archeological views. That we have things to fight for and that we will fight for them and that we will represent our kind in our way in the new millennium, which is beginning now.

Thank you very much!