Instauration:
Profound Insights for Troubled Times, Part II

April 1977 cover of Instauration.

3,326 words

Part I here

As the 1980s ended and the 1990s began, racial issues became more and more prevalent in the United States and around the world. Whites who could, of course, continued to move to the suburbs to avoid diversity and multiracialism. But it was becoming harder and harder to escape racial realities in a changing America. As always, Instauration offered clear-headed commentary on the unrelenting war against whites. This war would increasingly come from Hollywood and television. Below is an analysis of a TV movie made about a rare white-on-black attack in New York City.

Of all the “hate whitey” shows that have appeared on TV since Majority member Philo Farnsworth invented it, Howard Beach: Making the Case for Murder, on the NBC network (Dec. 4), takes the Emmy. Basic facts were either omitted, altered or plain falsified to whitewash the blacks and blacken the whites. No mention that the black who was run over was overdosed on cocaine, no mention that the leading white “racist,” Jon Lester, had Negro friends and had been dating a black girl. Cecil Sandiford, the black who was beaten up, required five stitches when he got to the hospital. The NBC people boosted this to 67 stitches and talked about a severe concussion, although hospital records show no such injury. NBC made much of a white brutally shoving a black outside the courthouse, which never happened. The show omitted the real-life attack of a black on a white witness. As customary, the informer, Robert Riley, was portrayed as a sort of white knight, almost as heroic as all the brothers. 

— “Satcom Sam Dishes It Out,” March 1990, p. 25.

Blacks continued their usual attacks and murders of whites, though Instauration (and a fledgling American Renaissance) were the only outlets that covered these crimes. Then, as now, the media and government set quite different — and predictable — standards for “hate crimes.”

The Hate Crimes Statistics Act requires that data be collected on crimes that have an ethnic, sexual or religious motivation. Despite the fact that whites rarely attack nonwhites and, conversely, that nonwhites increasingly pick on whites as their victims, few attacks against whites are officially designated as “hate crimes.” A couple of recent incidents in Detroit illustrate how selective this kind of law enforcement reporting has become. 

In early September, two whites were savagely beaten by a crowd of blacks in downtown Detroit, following the Montreaux-Detroit Jazz Festival. The men, aged 27 and 35, were set upon by a mob of over 30 “youths” wielding bats and clubs at the intersection of Woodward and Michigan Avenues. The two whites were collecting cans and bottles when attacked. One witness told the Detroit Free Press that the black assailants were ruthless, bashing one of the men senseless as he mumbled for help. “I heard the guy say, ‘Man, this was fun, let’s do this again.’ Also, I heard one of the guys say, “I didn’t get none of that the last time, so let me go first.” Pleas for help were initially ignored by passing police officers as they entered a downtown Coney Island restaurant. When approached by a witness, the officers refused to go to the scene themselves, but agreed to radio for help. According to the Detroit Police Department report, “race apparently was not a factor.” 

On November 1, Clarence Pennington, a 33-year-old white male, was beaten to death outside a southwest Detroit fast food restaurant by a 16-year-old black “youth” and his older Hispanic friend. The Negro killer declared that he and his buddy were “on a mission for some brew” when they attacked the white roofer. Witnesses said the Hispanic yelled obscenities at Pennington while the 16-year-old hit him with a four-foot board. “He fell. I looked at him and I hit him. I hit him and I hit him,” the Negro testified. FBI spokesman John Anthony said federal agents had reviewed information about the case provided by Detroit police and “we have decided not to initiate a civil rights violation investigation.”

On November 12, a white male was arrested for arson in the Detroit suburb of Geddes Ridge. During a 90-minute period, the 21-year-old set fire to four houses, several garages and some parked cars. One of the homes torched belonged to Sherwin McDonald, a black mechanical engineer with Ford Motor Co, One of McDonald’s white neighbors, whose house was also set on fire, remarked, “We feel sure this had nothing to do with race because fires were started in my husband’s car, in a car across the street, and at the house behind us.” McDonald’s own mother, Myrtle McDonald said, “It was just a crazy kid who went on a rampage. . . . None of us think it’s a racial thing.” Despite this testimony from witnesses and the firebug’s victims, the Washtenaw County sheriff’s department tacked an “ethnic intimidation” count on the multiple charges of arson. 

— “Ethnic Intimidation,” February 1991, p. 14.

If the 2020 presidential election is any indication, whites have still not evolved into a single voting block and candidates are still afraid to even mention whites as a group (unless it is to vilify or scapegoat us). Brazil is getting closer.

The great “if” of the American future is whether the Majority will ever coalesce into a single voting bloc and, if it does, will it do so before minority immigration and high minority birthrates and Majority low birthrates transform the Majority into a minority? If the Majority waits too long, the day will come when it will always be outvoted, even if it operates as a single voting group. And that day will be the day the U.S. becomes the Brazil of North America. 

— “Majority Vote-splitting Wins for Clinton,” December 1992, p. 5.

The newsletter did not flinch from providing the horrid details of blacks targeting white children and the elderly. Then, as now, these attacks never generate any national headlines or outrage. The following are all from the same issue and section.

In Chicago, nine young black kids sicced a stolen pit bull on Anna Marie North, an 8-year-old white girl, and her 6-year-old mentally retarded sister, Crystal. Anna was trying to defend Crystal who had already been relieved of her jacket and punched in the face by the black kiddie gang — all to the accompaniment of antiwhite racial slurs. Anna was hospitalized with severe wounds on her right arm and will need a lot of expensive plastic surgery. After six of the nine black juveniles were found and arrested, they weren’t incarcerated but sent home to their parents.

Police say two Negroes, Craig Jackson, 16, and Dean Black, 20, pointed a gun at Leopold Graves while the white man was sitting in his car near a Long Island subway station. They forced him into the back seat, drove off to a handball court, where they ordered him to start walking. A few steps, and he was shot in the back of the head. He died on the spot. A few days later two animals, quite possibly Jackson and Black, kidnapped a 68-year-old woman while she was parking her car, punched her, slammed her head against the steering wheel, robbed her, drove away with her, sexually abused her while calling her a “white bitch,” tied her up, threw her over a six-foot fence and, as a parting touch, urinated on her. Miraculously, she is still among the living.

Julie Hage, a white woman in Brooklyn Park (MN), came home from her nursing job one October afternoon with her two children, Matthew, 4, and Nicole, 3. Once inside her house she was confronted by a black teenage intruder, Jason Williams, who proceeded to kill her after a long struggle and repeatedly stabbed her two children. A little later, after Williams had decamped with some valuable household loot, husband Michael, a construction worker, arrived home to find his wife and daughter dead and his son barely alive. It was just another one of those underreported tragedies that is happening every day all over America, which our black friends are turning into a killing field.

Two more white women bit the dust in the Washington (DC) area. Laura Houghteting, 24, was apparently murdered in her bed and her body removed. Her bloody pillow and pillowcase were found in the woods not far from her home. The body of Sherry Ann Sajko was discovered in a trash-filled side street, her face horribly disfigured. The 30-year-old blonde beautician and model had just arrived in DC in July and was looking forward to a career in show business. Unfortunately, she had already started going around with the wrong crowd and was into drugs. Police believe she was sexually assaulted and tortured before she was killed. 

— “Primate Watch,” December 1992, p. 23.

You can buy Greg Johnson’s Here’s the Thing here.

This racial terrorism was, of course, spurred on and encouraged by portraying whites as the ones committing racial attacks against blacks.

The 70s also witnessed the beginning of “black revisionism,” which reached its ultimate form in ABC television’s miniseries, Roots, wherein Negros were portrayed as loving, civilized, productive individuals in pleasant, docile African farming communities until greedy, ruthless whites plundered their land and captured their people. Roots was designed to be watched by as many whites as possible in order to instill in them the desired “guilt complex.” Television was selected as the appropriate medium, because on average it draws more than 20 times the audience of a typical motion picture. Roots was an enormous success. Over 40 million viewers watched in horror each night as the white man brutalized innocent black folks. Ironically, it debuted when black-on-white crime in America was reaching epidemic levels. Each evening, as whites watched fictional accounts of blacks being murdered by white slave owners on plantations, a dozen or more whites were being murdered by black thugs and gang members. 

— “The Descent Into Ugliness,” April 1994, p. 6.

The Color of Crime has long been black.

1 in 4 murdered whites in the U.S. are done in by blacks. That’s 4 times the rate that whites kill blacks.

A Hispanic is 3 times as likely as a non-Hispanic to victimize a black. Consequently, a considerable part of white-on-black violent crime, 2% of all violent crime, must be committed by Hispanics.

In 1991 there were 1,911,767 violent crimes (excluding homicide) in the U.S. 15% of these crimes were black-on-white, meaning that blacks committed 286,765 violent crimes against whites in that year. 2% or 38,235 violent crimes were white-on-black. 3% or 57,353 crimes were committed by other races on whites. If these figures do not prove there is a racial war being waged against whites, what do they indicate? (Racial percentages from U.S. News & World Report, Jan. 17, 1994. Annual violent crime figure from 1993 World Almanac.) 

— “Talking Numbers,” April 1994, p. 24.

An all-too-typical case in point:

So-called hate crime laws were originally designed to protect blacks and other minorities from whites. The problem is, most hate crimes nowadays, bonafide or cooked up, are committed by nonwhites. Accordingly, it came as a great shock to blacks, but no surprise to most whites, that the first prosecution for hate crimes in Texas was launched against four Dallas Negroes charged with kicking and assaulting a white father and his two-year-old son for no other reason than that the victims’ skin color happened to be offensive to the victimizers. But it was all too good to be true. When the grand jury refused to go along, the hate crime charges were withdrawn. 

— “Primate Watch,” April 1994, p. 25.

Robertson was particularly good at setting the historical record straight and pointing out the anti-white narrative constantly drilled into whites (and blacks):

The concept of slavery was by today’s standards an improvement in human relations. Prior to its inception the vanquished in the constant wars were simply slaughtered. As Professor Jeffrey Hart wrote in a recent column: 

Many or most of the African slaves who reached the New WorId were prisoners seized in African tribal warfare. Before such prisoners acquired value as slaves, they ordinarily were slaughtered. When it developed, they were worth money, the chiefs naturally spared their lives and turned a profit by selling them to European slave traders in West Africa or to Muslim slave traders in East Africa.

Slavery is still alive and kicking in a few black African and Asian countries. Last July police in Benin rescued more than 100 children being transported through Nigeria whence they would be sent to Central Africa to be sold. The slave traders purchased the children from their parents in the back country, then shipped them to where they would fetch a good price as domestic servants, laborers or prostitutes. Slavery in the U.S. ended in 1865. My question is: wouldn’t it be more sensible to concentrate our attention on slavery where it still exists rather than rehash the sins of Southern slaveholders put out of business 132 years ago? 

— “Slavery Minutiae,” December 1997, p. 13.

Last year, an on-field scuffle between a white football player for the Pittsburgh Steelers (Kyle Rudolph) and a black player for the Cleveland Browns (Myles Garrett) made headlines when Garrett alleged Rudolph directed racial slurs toward him. Of course, it was a lie (as always), and Garrett faced no consequences. Nothing has changed over the past two decades:

University of North Carolina hoopster Makhtar Ndiaye, a Senegalese, suddenly burst forth with the news that University of Utah basketballer Britton Johnsen, a white, had called him a “nigger.” (Instauration is one of the few publications that dares spell out the word.) As could well be imagined, the press blew this up into a big deal, leaving the routine impression that an innocent black had been the subject of a vile, racist taunt. It took the media two days to catch up with the real story — that Ndiaye had made the whole thing up. Johnsen, branded a racist and facing the destruction of his career, felt a little better when the truth came out — but not much better. 

— “Hoax of the Month,” June 1998, p. 18.

Republicans have long been worthless when it comes to defending their voters:

A bill to ban racial preferences in the transportation industry was defeated 58 to 37 in the Senate, despite Supreme Court rulings against quotas. 15 Republican senators joined the Democrats in defeating the legislation. The naysayers included renegade Majority Senators John McCain and John Warner. Joining them was the ineffable minorityite, Al D’Amato. 

— “Talking Numbers,” June 1998, p. 22.

As Instauration headed into its final years, the newsletter reported on the usual racial hypocrisies, tragedies, crimes, hoaxes and lies that to this day define life for whites:

South Africa. Anne Paton, widow of writer Alan Paton, erstwhile champion of black rule and darling of American liberals, announced she is quitting South Africa. It is impossible, she says, to live in such a crime-ridden environment. Mrs. Paton reports that since the blacks took over, she has been hijacked, mugged, robbed and otherwise terrorized. Nine of her friends have been murdered in the past four years. 

— “Elsewhere,” January 1999, p. 28.

Hear ye, hear ye. Hear the Majority death rattle in the words of Republican California State Senator Jim Brulte: “My leadership PAC will give no more money to Anglo males in Republican primaries. Every dollar I can raise is going to nominate Latinos and Asian Americans and women. We have to expand our outreach.” 

— “Cultural Catacombs,” July 1999, p. 19.

Dolores Hill, black headmistress of a private elementary school in Brooklyn, was well respected for her stern stance against drug dealing and for operating a food program for the poor. In late April, Ms. Hill was arrested for selling crack cocaine to an undercover agent. 

— “Primate Watch,” July 1999, p. 21.

Two black lawmakers in Albany (NY) were horrified to find hate notes on the doors of their offices. It turned out the culprit was not a Nazi racist but a black janitor. He wrote, “Kill all niggers because they don’t belong here. Yours truly, KKK.” 

— “Primate Watch,” January 2000, p. 20.

I have never traveled throughout the American South and yet I feel I know it as well as my own home turf. I know its people, how they think, their attitudes, morals, lifestyle and their outlook on the world. In fact, I would go so far as to say that there is no group of Americans with which I am as well acquainted as the denizens of Dixie.

For black people life in the South is an even grimmer proposition. Old black women are very religious and look forward to getting dressed up for church on Sunday. They adore children and love to take care of them, even white children. Old black men spend most of their days whittling pieces of wood or trying to catch catfish on the riverbank. Life for a young black male, however, is a daily encounter with danger. For simply smiling at a white woman, he can be arrested, beaten up by a pot-bellied sheriff and thrown into the hoosegow. From there he will be hauled up before a judge and charged with rape. Regardless of his innocence, an all-white jury will convict him. Before he can be taken away to the county prison, an unruly mob or the Klansmen will break into the jailhouse, drag him out and lynch him.

Where did I get all these ideas, you ask? From the movies, of course! Starting with I Am A Fugitive From A Chain Gang and on through A Streetcar Named Desire, Cat On A Hot Tin Roof, The Defiant Ones, In The Heat Of The Night, To Kill A Mockingbird and Cool Hand Luke right up to Deliverance and Mississippi Burning, Hollywood has carefully molded the pattern for all Southern characters which still persists to this day. Through film after film, we have been led to believe that Dixie is a land dominated by degenerate, illiterate, dishonest cretins that most of us would shun on sight. 

— “Hollywood’s Dixie,” February 2000, p. 5.

One prime reason conservatives have earned a bad name in this country is their preachy hypocrisy. Take George Roche III, holier-than-thou sermonizing head of right-wing Hillsdale College. “Honor and virtue are increasingly rare commodities. Cheating and lying have become a common habit.” He wrote this in the college magazine, Imprimis, while carrying on a 17-year affair with his daughter-in-law, who committed suicide when all the sordid details came to light. Will the subject of Roche’s next sermon be, “Marital Fidelity?” 

— “Primate Watch,” February 2000, p. 20.

Cornel Cooks, who raped and murdered Jennie Ridling, a disabled 87-year-old white woman back in 1982, finally got what was coming to him 17 years after the Oklahoma Negro committed his abhorrent crime. Before he died, he boasted about a letter he had received from members of the Ridling family. They forgave him. 

— “Primate Watch,” February 2000, p. 20.

Nelson Mandela made a brief visit to Seattle in December and walked away with $30 million for health care, education and political reform in South Africa. Gates’s foundation picked up half the freight. Will there ever be a foundation dedicated to helping Majority members and only Majority members? 

— “Talking Numbers,” February 2000, p. 20.[/ind]

The final page of the final issue of Instauration (February 2000) featured an ad for the March-April 2000 American Renaissance conference. It was a fitting way to pass the baton after 25 years of unceasing racial activism. As the West headed into the 21st century, the racial problem was coming to a head. Whites would need to stand together and face the reality of race or face disaster. Wilmot Robertson and the contributors to Instauration did indeed face these realities. Now over two decades since the final issue, our situation is as critical as ever. But the words and wisdom of Instauration should inspire us all to work hard to guarantee a future for white people.

Peter Bradley writes from northern Virginia.

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