The Plot Against America First Part Three: Who Wanted War?Giles Corey
As Mark Weber has documented, Great Britain, in collusion with Roosevelt, did, in fact, engage in a vast campaign to drive America into war. According to Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s son, Churchill vowed that he “shall drag the United States in.” Roosevelt’s Ambassador to Great Britain, Joseph Kennedy, wrote of Churchill that “I don’t trust him. . . He always impressed me that he was willing to blow up the American Embassy and say it was the Germans if it would get the United States in.” In 1940, Churchill established the British Security Coordination to manage British intelligence operations within the United States. These activities, in close coordination with the American Office of Strategic Services, included a massive agitprop campaign conducted with the full cooperation of the lying press, including the Baltimore Sun, New York Herald Tribune, New York Post (Jewish-owned), New York Times (Jewish-owned), PM, and columnists like Walter Lippmann, Drew Pearson, and Walter Winchell, who called noninterventionism “unconscionable, a form of treason.”  The BSC also created the Overseas News Agency, a branch of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, seeding further war propaganda in the Philadelphia Inquirer (Jewish-owned), San Francisco Chronicle, and Washington Post (Jewish-owned). Life published an article titled “America Gets Ready to Fight Germany, Italy, Japan” before war had even started in Europe, solemnly warning that “fascist fleets and legions may swarm across the Atlantic.” The BSC also rigged and otherwise massaged public opinion polls to make it appear that more Americans desired war than was actually the case. Polls indicating that the American public did not support British imperial policy were buried.
America First, especially Lindbergh, its most influential advocate, was a formidable foe. Polling throughout the period consistently shows that the American people overwhelmingly opposed intervention. Until the attack on Pearl Harbor, upwards of eighty percent of our people, while still opposing Germany and supporting “aid short of war,” fervently stood against physical participation in the European war. The BSC made Lindbergh and the Committee their prime targets. Agents disrupted rallies by posing as hecklers and protesters. The BSC financed and supported interventionist politicians, and ruthlessly worked to discredit anyone sympathetic to Lindbergh, the Committee, and noninterventionism in general, just as they had smeared Congressman Hamilton Fish and destroyed Verne Marshall’s No Foreign War Committee. At one event in Boston, a BSC organization disseminated twenty-five thousand pamphlets attacking Senator Nye, who was to speak, as a “Nazi-lover.” One particularly pernicious attack on Lindbergh came from a BSC-employed “astro-philosopher,” Louis de Wohl, who embarked on a large-scale press tour to issue “astrological predictions” about Hitler’s imminent doom; the charlatan propagandist also promulgated the insane claim that Lindbergh’s murdered first son was actually still alive and living in Germany to become a future Nazi leader.
The BSC agitprop that coursed through American life fabricated German atrocities, and utilized its most effective mouthpiece, President Roosevelt, to persuade the American people that Hitler was on a mad mission for global domination, a lie that is still taught to this day. In an October 1941 address that was broadcast across the nation, Roosevelt claimed to be in possession of “a secret map, made in Germany by Hitler’s government by the planners of the new world order. It is a map of South America and a part of Central America as Hitler proposes to reorganize it.” This map, said the President of the United States to a tragically credulous nation, “makes clear the Nazi design not only against South America but against the United States as well.” He furthermore claimed to have another document produced by the German government that detailed a “plan to abolish all existing religions,” whereby “the property of all churches will be seized by the Reich. . . the cross and all other symbols of religion are to be forbidden. . . in the place of the churches of our civilization, there is to be set up an international Nazi church. . . which will be served by orators sent out by the Nazi government. In the place of the Bible, the words of Mein Kampf will be imposed and enforced as Holy Writ. And in place of the cross of Christ will be put two symbols — the swastika and the naked sword.” Roosevelt created a false choice for Americans, “between the kind of world we want to live in and the kind of world which Hitler and his hordes would impose on us.”
Though the “map” did exist, it was a forgery passed from the BSC to the OSS. It is unclear as to whether the “Nazi church” document even physically existed; in any case, this was propaganda so outlandish as to be unbelievable. And yet, in an America that still trusted its leaders, these lies were believed. Only three months later, this regime that so worried about the fate of Christianity was allied with the Soviet Union, the most brutal atheism that humanity has ever seen. In speech after speech, Roosevelt told the public that “the Nazi masters of Germany have made clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world.” He said that “our fundamental rights, including the rights of labor, are threatened by Hitler’s violent attempt to rule the world.” Roosevelt spoke of the “Nazi book of world conquest,” proclaiming from the rooftops that “today the whole world is divided between human slavery and human freedom — between pagan brutality and Christian ideal.” He was right on this last point, but the pagan slavery was that of Stalin’s Russia. 
The interventionists most seriously damaged Lindbergh, and by extension America First, by ignoring Lindbergh’s exposure of the Churchill and Roosevelt governments, instead choosing to label him an anti-Semitic Nazi for having the gall to shine a light on Jewry. Lindbergh was especially “disturbed about the effect of the Jewish influence in our press, radio, and motion pictures. It may become very serious.” In autumn 1941, America First sponsored a Senate investigation into anti-German war propaganda in Hollywood films. Stuart, the founder of America First, noted that “films that have nothing to do with the European war are now loaded with lies and ideas which bring about an interventionist reaction.” Senator Nye called the motion picture studios “the most gigantic engines of propaganda in existence, to rouse the war fever in America and plunge this nation to her destruction.” Thomas Dalton records more than sixty explicit pro-war films produced during the period. The Hollywood film industry, which even at this point was dominated by Jews (who controlled MGM, RKO, and all of the other major studios ), employed the ubiquitous Wendell Willkie as its counsel. One producer, Darryl Zanuck of Twentieth Century Fox, organized a pro-intervention speech by Willkie at the Hollywood Bowl, where Lindbergh had spoken before a crowd of over forty thousand. Willkie failed to draw a larger crowd. Today, Jews praise the efforts of Jewish filmmakers to drive us into war; somehow, it is still “anti-Semitic” to “blame” them for doing so. The Anti-Defamation League, founded by B’nai B’rith for the legal defense of a pedophiliac murderer, infiltrated America First to subvert it from within. In addition to the aforementioned Jewish-owned newspapers, the Camden Courier-Post, Newark Star-Ledger, Philadelphia Record, and Pittsburgh Post-Gazette were also owned by Jews, as were CBS and NBC.  Jews also owned Random House and dominated the music industry.  Even by 1936, it had been estimated that “half [of] the opinion-making and taste-influencing paraphernalia in America is in Jewish hands”; given that Jews were, at that time, only recent immigrants that comprised no more than three percent of our population, this is noteworthy.  This influence has only metastasized.
Thomas Dalton has tracked the Jewish hand in both World Wars.  For our purposes, only World War Two will be discussed, but it is worth recalling what Henry Ford said of his fight against American involvement in World War One. He said in 1921 that “it was the Jews themselves that convinced me of the direct relation between the international Jew and war,” and that Jews had told him “the means by which the Jew controlled the war, how they had the money, how they had cornered all the basic materials needed to fight the war. . . They said. . . that the Jews had started the war; that they would continue it as long as they wished, and that until the Jew stopped the war, it could not be stopped.” Hitler had dethroned the licentious and usurious Weimar Republic, in whose ruling class Jews were vastly overrepresented, and Jews around the world sought to recover their power. In early 1938, the Polish Ambassador to the United States told his superiors that:
the Jews are right now the leaders in creating a war psychosis which would plunge the entire world into war and bring about general catastrophe. . . in their definition of democratic states, the Jews have also created real chaos; they have mixed together the idea of democracy and communism, and have above all raised the banner of burning hatred against Nazism. This hatred has become a frenzy. . . propagated everywhere and by every means: in theaters, in the cinema, and in the press. The Germans are portrayed as a nation living under the arrogance of Hitler which wants to conquer the whole world and drown all of humanity in an ocean of blood. . . that war is inevitable. . . that the Germans and their satellites, in the form of fascism, are enemies who must be subdued by the “democratic world.”
The Roosevelt Administration
Lindbergh was also exactly correct when he named the Roosevelt Administration, honeycombed with Jewish Communists as it was, as the third of the war agitators. The aviator saw through the President’s words, recognizing that the interventionists “used the phrase ‘steps short of war’ to lead us to foreign war.” He attacked “government by subterfuge,” Roosevelt’s plan to lead his country into a war that the people would never have voted for. Lindbergh thus correctly framed the issue as one that was even larger than that of war or peace, “whether or not we still have a representative government; whether or not we in the USA are still a free people, with the right to decide the fundamental policies of our nation.” He knew that “there is no danger to this nation from without. The only danger lies from within.” He abhorred Roosevelt’s hypocrisy, lamenting that “our accusations of aggression and barbarism on the part of Germany simply bring back echoes of hypocrisy and Versailles” and emphasizing that “Mr. Roosevelt claims that Hitler desires to dominate the world. But it is Mr. Roosevelt himself who advocates world domination when he says that it is our business to control the wars of Europe and Asia.” Lindbergh further noted that “if we say that our frontier lies on the Rhine, they can say that theirs lies on the Mississippi.” He was also realistic in his pointing out “that the interventionists and the British in urging ‘the defense of England’ really meant ‘the defeat of Germany.’”
The aviator found the Administration’s smears of disloyalty amusing, for “the same groups who call on us to defend democracy and freedom abroad, demand that we kill democracy and freedom at home by forcing four-fifths of our people into war against their will. The one-fifth who are for war call the four-fifths who are against war the ‘fifth column’. . . Since this country will not enter war willingly, they plan on creating incidents and situations which will force us into it.” He found it absurd that “when we demand that our government listen to the 80% of the people who oppose war, they shout that we are causing disunity.” For a speech set to take place on December 12, canceled after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Lindbergh was to say that “democracy is gone from a nation when its people are no longer informed of the fundamental policies and intentions of its government [and] freedom is a travesty among men who have been forced into war by a President they elected because he promised peace. . . Our nation has been led to war with promises of peace. It is now being led toward dictatorship with promises of democracy.”
Roosevelt only sought Congressional authorization for measures which he knew would pass; everything else was done unilaterally and unconstitutionally. Roosevelt, through his New Deal depredations, had already proven himself to be quite dismissive of our irritating little Constitution. The America First Committee was proven right when it warned that Roosevelt’s Lend-Lease Act and repeal of the Neutrality Act were simply acts of aggression to provoke “a shooting, bloody war.” Taking a page out of the Lusitania playbook, Roosevelt armed merchant ships carrying military aid, as well as provided armed Navy convoys to British ships. On the same day as Lindbergh’s Des Moines rally, the President announced a new “shoot on sight” policy for Axis vessels within his ever-expanding “patrol zone”; the Committee called the policy an “amazing move to arouse hysteria and plunge us into a foreign war, unwanted by the people. . . and needless for national defense.” When German U-boats began to sink American ships, America First leaders kept a cool head and reminded the public that these incidents were merely the consequences of Roosevelt’s bellicosity. When the Greer was sunk and American lives were lost for the first time, the Committee discovered that the vessel had trailed a German submarine for over three hours with an English warplane before the U-boat had finally fired on it. Roosevelt upped the ante in this undeclared naval war by essentially occupying Iceland. That August, he had issued with Churchill the Atlantic Charter, pledging our devotion to England. The President pledged that “we shall do everything in our power to crush Hitler and his Nazi forces.” So aggressive were Roosevelt’s policies that Admiral Stark, Chief of Naval Operations, warned the Administration that Hitler “has every excuse in the world to declare war on us now, if he were of a mind to.” Despite all of this, however, just as Hitler tried again and again  to negotiate a generous peace with Great Britain, the Führer ordered his submarines only to engage American vessels in self-defense and as a last resort.
In 1972, Churchill revealed that Roosevelt had told him that “he would wage war but not declare it, and that he would become more and more provocative. If the Germans did not like it, they could attack American forces. . . Everything was being done to force an ‘incident’ which could justify him in opening hostilities.” Roosevelt himself announced to the nation that “we are placing our armed forces in strategic military position. We will not hesitate to use our armed forces to repel attack.” Even more damning than his belligerence with Germany, however, was Roosevelt’s conduct toward Japan. Undoubtedly, Japan did attack Pearl Harbor, killing 2,408 Americans, but it cannot be disputed at this time that Roosevelt intentionally provoked and worsened the attack. In that sense, it is not irresponsible to declare that the attack on Pearl Harbor was a sort of false flag event. In summary: Roosevelt had forewarning that the attack was going to occur, partially as a result of our forces having broken the Japanese code; in response, Roosevelt not only did not pass along the warning, but increased the number of sailors and ships at the base to worsen the ensuing damage and strengthen his case for war; and Roosevelt had taken extensive steps to goad the Japanese into the attack.  In other words, the “date which will live in infamy” was no surprise, but rather the planned result of coordinated incitement of a foreign power by our own government. Lieutenant Commander Arthur McCollum, director of the Far East Asia section of the Office of Naval Intelligence, had analyzed Roosevelt’s pre-Pearl Harbor policy and concluded that “if by these means Japan could be led to commit an overt act of war, so much the better.” Just twelve days before the attack, Secretary of War Stimson wrote that Roosevelt had held a Cabinet meeting in which he “brought up the event that we were likely to be attacked perhaps next [week], for the Japanese are notorious for making an attack without warning, and the question was how we should maneuver them into the position of firing the first shot without allowing too much danger to ourselves. It was a difficult proposition.”
As aforementioned, until the attack on Pearl Harbor, the overwhelming majority of Americans were opposed to participating in yet another European war. The people knew that they had been deceived into entering World War One, and that they had not gained anything from that struggle but well over one hundred thousand dead men and billions of dollars of unpaid debt; in fact, Britain did not complete its payments until 2015. We had sacrificed our blood and treasure for the imperial games of ungrateful foreign powers. Before the attack on Pearl Harbor, the American public had engaged in a boisterous and intelligent “Great Debate” to contemplate their nation’s place in the world. Did we really wish to supplant the British Empire and become the world’s policeman? Did we wish to build an empire, remaking the world in our image? But of course, we never considered the possibility that any American Empire would not actually be American or remake anything in the American image, but rather in the image of the hostile parasitic force that had coopted our flag. Mothers and fathers worried whether their children could prosper and beget their grandchildren at home, or whether they would be sent to die for unnecessary patches of land in the wars of other nations, thousands of miles from hearth and home. Citizens worried what wars would do to militarize their own country and encroach upon their own liberties, in the name of “liberating” men whose names they could not even pronounce.
The attack on Pearl Harbor was a deus ex machina that took that choice from out of our grasp. These momentous decisions were made for us; “events” were in the driver’s seat, the interventionists said, the war “inevitable.” Very few of us paused to realize that in politics, nothing is inevitable; it is made to happen. The attack transformed a nation that had only hours prior been steadfastly opposed to American intervention into one frothing at the mouth for vengeance. America First, and the future of American noninterventionism, was killed, perhaps forever. And ever since December 7, 1941, the United States has been mired in perpetual war in countless dozens of countries; Lindbergh’s dream of “an independent destiny” was never consummated, our fate yoked to the runaway train of globalism. As Christ asked in Mark 8:36, “For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”
On the day of the attack, the Committee released a statement that read: “The America First Committee urges all those who have subscribed to its principles to give their support to the war effort of this country until the conflict with Japan is brought to a successful conclusion. In this war the America First Committee pledges its aid to the President as commander in chief of the armed forces of the United States.” This statement was drafted to leave open the possibility of continued opposition to intervention in the European war, but all of the Committee’s activities, including its preparation for the 1942 elections, were suspended. America First was never to have the opportunity to test its impressive strength at the polls. On December 11, 1941, when the United States declared war and officially entered World War Two, America First voted to completely dissolve. The Committee issued its final statement:
Our principles were right. Had they been followed, war could have been avoided. No good purpose can now be served by considering what might have been, had our objectives been attained. . . We are at war. Today. . . the primary objective is. . . victory. . . We hope that secret treaties committing America to imperialistic aims or vast burdens in other parts of the world shall be scrupulously avoided to the end that this nation shall become the champion of a just and lasting peace. The period of democratic debate on the issue of entering the war is over; the time for military action is here. Therefore, the America First Committee has determined immediately to cease all functions and to dissolve. . . And finally, it urges all those who have followed its lead to give their full support to the war effort of the nation, until peace is attained.
Immediately after the attack, General Wood called Lindbergh, saying simply, “Well, he got us in through the back door.” Lindbergh issued a statement that read: “We have been stepping closer to war for many months. Now it has come and we must meet it as united Americans regardless of our attitude in the past toward the policy our government has followed. Whether or not that policy has been wise, our country has been attacked by force of arms, and by force of arms we must retaliate.” Privately, he wrote, “Now, all that I feared would happen has happened. We are at war all over the world. . . [this] probably means the bloodiest and most devastating war of all history.” After the Committee dissolved, Lindbergh wrote his final statement to the hundreds of thousands of America Firsters who had stuck with him through the blistering heat of the campaign. It read: “the final judgment of our policies must be left to the future. . . I have complete confidence”; that it was futile to argue “about who was right and who was wrong”; and finally, that “we have contributed the best we could give to our country in time of peace. Now, we must contribute the best we can give in time of war.”
America First had at no time been a pacifist organization; in fact, pacifists were barred from membership. This was no milquetoast outfit. A majority of the Committee leadership had a record of military service. Lindbergh had often pondered the irony of finding himself “opposing my country’s entrance into a war I don’t believe in, when I would so much rather be fighting for my country in a war I do believe in. . . there is no philosophy I disagree with more than that of the pacifist, and nothing I would rather be doing than flying in the Air Corps.” When America First folded up its tents, Wood again called Lindbergh, warmly praising him and remarking that the aviator still yet had “a destiny” in his country.
To realize that destiny, Lindbergh went to strenuous efforts to join the war effort and fight for his nation. The vindictive ghoul Roosevelt blocked him at every turn. When rumors hit the lying press that Lindbergh was seeking a commission, one couple wrote a letter to the editor that moronically said, “Our son is in the service and we want no Quislings behind his back.” Secretary Ickes wasted no time in rearing his ugly head, writing Roosevelt a letter in which he called Lindbergh “a ruthless and conscious fascist, motivated by a hatred for you personally and a contempt for democracy.” He said that it would be “a tragic disservice to American democracy to give one of its bitterest and most ruthless enemies a chance” and that the aviator should “be buried in merciful oblivion.” The President replied, “What you say about L and the potential danger of the man, I agree with wholeheartedly.” He forwarded the letter on to Secretary Stimson and Secretary of the Navy Knox. The Administration, colluding with the sneering press, repeatedly questioned Lindbergh’s patriotism and charged the man with cowardice and treason. Roosevelt also blocked the aviator’s attempts to serve the war effort as a civilian with aviation contractors. Lindbergh wrote in February 1942 that he was
beginning to wonder whether I will be blocked in every attempt I make to take part in this war. I have always stood for what I thought would be to the best interest of this country, and now we are at war I want to take my part in fighting for it, foolish and disastrous as I think the war will prove to be. Our decision has been made, and now we must fight to preserve our national honor and our national future. I have always believed. . . that every American citizen had the right and the duty to state his opinion in peace and to fight for his country in war. But the Roosevelt Administration seems to think otherwise.
Four months after the attack on Pearl Harbor, his good friend, old Henry Ford, gave Lindbergh his opportunity. Through the Ford Motor Company and United Aircraft, the aviator helped, on a volunteer basis, to develop and test bombers in the South Pacific. Lindbergh flew the heaviest bomb load ever carried on a Corsair fighter-bomber, and even shot down a Japanese plane. In the Pacific, he was extremely disturbed by the American atrocities  that he witnessed. Troubled, he observed that “we claim to be fighting for civilization, but the more I see of this war in the Pacific the less right I think we have to claim to be civilized. . . What is courage for us is fanaticism for him. We hold his examples of atrocity screamingly to the heavens while we cover up our own and condone them as just retribution for his acts.” His father’s agrarianism made another appearance here, where he abhorred the environmental devastation that the war had wrought in such once-pristine wilderness. He said, “War is like a flame. Where it sweeps, life disappears, the birds and trees with the Japanese. . . The gashes modern man has cut in the jungle- how long will they show?” Lindbergh visited Munich just ten days after the German surrender, disgusted by the conduct of American and Soviet soldiers and horrified by the devastation; this was the “prostration” that he had foreseen.  He had a disquieting apprehension of the growing Soviet menace.
Lindbergh never repudiated his beliefs, nor surrendered to the ravening wolves that sought to, and in large part did, devour him. Near the close of 1941, before the attack on Pearl Harbor, Wood had proposed adjourning the Committee until the next year’s elections. Lindbergh talked him down, asserting that he would rather “go down fighting for what we believe in, if we must go down at all,” because members “would feel we were showing weakness at the very moment we should be fighting the hardest.” He never allowed the lying press to demoralize him, acknowledging instead that no matter what precautions one had taken, that there was no “way of preventing an antagonistic press from removing sentences from their context.” He said that “one had to expect such things in public life, and that if an individual could not take it, he should stay out of public controversies.” He felt that his father had suffered a higher price for his opposition to World War One, and was pleased that, unlike the anti-American opposition to the Vietnam War almost three decades later, the battle against World War Two had remained nothing but patriotic and had not degenerated into violence.
Despite repeated calls for him to seek office, Lindbergh never desired to be a politician, nor even a political figure. He simply wanted to do his patriotic duty and to prevent his people from being shoved from behind into Hell, to prevent a calamitous tragedy from being foisted upon the White race. He thoroughly disliked politics, preferring “intellectual and personal freedom to the honors and accomplishments of political office — even that of President.” When friends urged him that he would inevitably be pushed into politics at some time or other, he rebuffed them, saying that he could very easily avoid it by simply discussing “truthfully and openly the fundamental issues which face this country today.” Then, he said, nobody would ask him to run for anything. Lindbergh subscribed to Thomas Jefferson’s maxim, that “there is not a truth existing which I fear, or would wish unknown to the whole world.” The aviator firmly believed that “you should not hide reality.” He painstakingly crafted his speeches, never expressing anything other than exactly what he intended to. After his Des Moines address, former President Hoover gently chided him that in politics one “learned not to say things just because they are true.” Lindbergh’s rejoinder was that that was exactly why he did not wish to be a politician, and that he would rather speak freely than “measure every statement by its probable popularity.”
The noninterventionists who did not later become internationalists lost their offices. Lindbergh’s image was permanently tainted. To this day, he is referred to as a “Nazi” or a “fascist sympathizer.” In 1954, President Eisenhower restored the aviator’s commission and promoted him to Brigadier General in the Air Force Reserve. Lindbergh could take cold comfort in knowing that history had vindicated him. He disagreed with the policy of unconditional surrender, preferring a negotiated peace that never came. He saw that the so-called “liberated” countries had “simply exchanged the Nazi form of dictatorship for the Communist form.” He warned that “no peace will last which is not based on Christian principles.” He lamented the industrialization of warfare and the militarization of society, noting that “what peaceful men take a thousand years to build, fools can now destroy in a few seconds.” As a conservationist, Lindbergh “worried about the deteriorating impact of urbanization, of brick and concrete, on human character and on Western civilization” and felt “saddened as he saw science, industry, and urbanization destroying the natural environment.” In 1947, he took stock of the aftermath, stating that the United States emerged “with Western civilization greatly weakened in a world full of famine, hatred, and despair. We have destroyed Nazi Germany only to find that in doing so we have strengthened Communist Russia, behind whose ‘iron curtain’ lies a record of bloodshed and oppression never equaled.” In 1969, Lindbergh looked back once more:
We won the war in a military sense; but in a broader sense we lost it, for our Western civilization is less respected and secure than it was before. In order to defeat Germany and Japan we supported the still greater menaces of Russia and China. . . Poland was not saved. The British Empire has broken down. . . France had to. . . turn to a mild dictatorship herself. Much of our Western culture was destroyed. We lost the genetic heredity formed through æons in many million lives. . . More than a generation after the war’s end, our occupying armies still must occupy, and the world has not been made safe for democracy and freedom. . . World War Two marks the beginning of our Western civilization’s breakdown.
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 MacDonald, Kevin. The Culture of Critique: An Evolutionary Analysis of Jewish Involvement in Twentieth-Century Intellectual and Political Movements (1st Book Library, 2002).
 Courtois, Stéphane, et. al. (Eds.) The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression (Harvard, 1999); Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr. The Gulag Archipelago (Harper Perennial, 2007); see hyperlinked article for further sources on Soviet brutality.
 MacDonald, Kevin. The Culture of Critique.
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 Stieve, Friedrich. What the World Rejected: Hitler’s Peace Offers 1933-1940 (Ostara, 2014).
 Victor, George. The Pearl Harbor Myth: Rethinking the Unthinkable (Potomac, 2007); Barnes, Harry E. (Ed.) Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace (Ostara, 2013); Nash, George H. (Ed.) Freedom Betrayed: Herbert Hoover’s Secret History of the Second World War and Its Aftermath (Hoover Institution, 2011); Chamberlin, William H. America’s Second Crusade (Liberty Fund, 2008).
 Goodrich, Thomas. Summer, 1945: Germany, Japan, and the Harvest of Hate (2018).
 Goodrich, Thomas. Hellstorm: The Death of Nazi Germany, 1944-1947 (2014); Lowe, Keith. Savage Continent: Europe in the Aftermath of World War II (Picador, 2013); De Zayas, Alfred M. A Terrible Revenge: The Ethnic Cleansing of the East European Germans (Griffin, 2006); Keeling, Ralph F. Gruesome Harvest (Ostara, 2012); Grenfell, Richard. Unconditional Hatred: German War Guilt and the Future of Europe (Devin-Adair, 1961); Gollancz, Victor. In Darkest Germany (KTO, 1978); Utley, Freda. The High Cost of Vengeance (Omnia Veritas, 2016); Huddleston, Sisley. France: The Tragic Years (American Opinion, 1965); Bacque, James. Crimes and Mercies (Talonbooks, 2007); Bacque, James. Other Losses (Talonbooks, 2011).
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