The Sixty-Million, Part 1

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Part 1 of 2

Editor’s Note:

Dara Halley-James is the pseudonym of an author who has published well-received “mainstream” books under her real name. The following is the second in an extended series of excerpts from the penultimate draft of the forthcoming book The Sixty Million: How Leading Jewish Communists, Zionists, and Neocons Brought on a Dozen Holocausts. 

‘I fully agree with Hannah Arendt that “the Jews of our century were equal participants in the historical games of the nations and the monstrous Catastrophe that befell them was the result of not only evil plots of enemies of mankind, but also of the huge fatal miscalculations on the part of the Jewish people themselves, their leaders and activists.”’ — Alexander Solzhenitsyn

It is ironic, given how spectacularly well Jews were faring in Germany, that it was from 19th-century German Jews that the theories of Communism and Zionism emerged. And, out of the turn-of-the-century Russian Pale arose the implementers of those theories. The rationales for both theories had been rendered superfluous by Russia’s February 1917 Revolution and the outcome of the infamous Dreyfus affair in France, both extremely favorable for Jews. However, leading Jewish and non-Jewish Bolshevik revolutionaries refused to be satisfied with bourgeois parliamentary democracy, and brought on the anti-democratic ultra-violent dictatorship of the proletariat in its place. And the Zionists refused the offer of a national home in Africa from the British. Together these two forces would darken an otherwise very-promising 20th century.

The European powers blundered into a ‘Great War’, but a few years of stalemate would have brought about a peace, with a few colonies perhaps being flipped from one side to the other, resulting in a determination on both sides that such a folly would never be repeated. But the Jewish-German chemist Fritz Haber demolished that ‘benign’ scenario. His research on nitrates prevented Germany’s running out of explosives by 1916 and obviated Germany’s suing for peace by then. By extending the war for years, Haber (and Jewish uber-banker Jacob Schiff, who largely deprived the Czar of funding for the war) made possible the October revolution and the resulting virtual enslavement of Russia and its satellites for 70 years.

The extension of the war also brought Britain to desperate straits. Together the Jewish leaderships within Britain/the U.S. and the government of Britain conspired to bring the heretofore isolationist U.S. into the war on the British side so Germany could be defeated. In return the British government solemnly pledged to issue a declaration of intent to enable Jews to form a homeland in Palestine once the war was won and Palestine transferred from Ottoman to British jurisdiction.

President Woodrow Wilson was surrounded by Jewish advisors excited by this prospect and who bent his ear. The result was a 180-degree turnaround on Wilson’s part, the full-tilt entry of America into the war, the issuing of the Balfour Declaration, the complete defeat of Germany and the transfer from America to Europe and worldwide of a deadly flu virus, for which over-crowded barracks in America and overseas were an ideal breeding ground. The ‘Spanish flu’, a misnomer, killed between 50 and 100 million mostly-young people worldwide. It even struck Woodrow Wilson, so enervating him that he gave up on a just peace. Instead materialized the utterly devastating and humiliating Germany-hating Treaty of Versailles. As barracks had bred flu, the vindictive provisions of Versailles would breed resentment in Germany.

American intervention swept away the Kaiser and the old order in central/Eastern Europe just as the February and October revolutions had swept away the Czarist imperial order in Russia. In Germany the new Weimar Republic took Jews from no participation in politics to enormous participation. Moreover, several post-war revolutions in parts of Germany and in Hungary were blatantly Jewish-made, some directed by Moscow. These were eventually overturned after generating mayhem, terrifying the public and instilling a paranoia of Communism along with the largely-accurate perception of a link between Communism and Jews, that perception to endure for a generation.

Meanwhile in Russia, the non-Jewish-engineered February Revolution of 1917 gave Russian Jews all the civic, economic, and political freedoms they had ever been denied by the Czar. Tragically for Russia, its Jews, and the world at large, the stumbling toward democracy by the Provisional government through mid-1917 was not radical enough for the increasingly-Jewish-influenced Bolsheviks who diverted revolutionary momentum to their own ideological and ethnic ends.

Two Bolshevik Jews were the key figures in building up alternative power in soviet councils during the span of the Provisional government, a process that emasculated and destabilized the nation’s parliament. The near-bloodless October Revolution ensued. It was largely engineered by a Jewish Leon Trotsky (Lev Bronstein). It soon gave way to the Red Terror and then a civil war, led on the Bolshevik side by Trotsky and his newly-forged Red Army.

For the first several years of the new Russia, its political leadership was top-heavy with Jews. Once the régime was saved, it was challenged even more fiercely by Russian peasants until famine undermined this would-be revolution, a truly radical one. To consolidate their hold on power, the Bolsheviks led by Trotsky conquered one surrounding nation after another, including Ukraine. Because Jews were associated with a Bolshevik regime for which Ukrainians felt nothing but loathing, and because the bulk of Ukrainians Jews looked upon it with favor, Ukrainians massacred several tens of thousands of Jews, to no avail. Ukraine was absorbed into the USSR and for that would pay a greater price than any paid by any other ethnic group in the 20th century.

In the emerging Soviet Union the highlight of the 1920s was the formation of a vast police state overseen by an absolutely gargantuan bureaucracy. For that, the most educated and highest-IQ ethnic group would be needed in numbers that outstripped supply. Obviously the tiny proletariat would not be up to the job for at least a generation, and the bureaucrats of Czarist era were anathema except where indispensable. So: the bureaucracy would have a Jewish core, as would the intelligentsia as a whole and the omnipresent secret police who enforced the policies formulated by a disproportionately-Jewish political leadership assisted by that heavily-Jewish bureaucracy.

Lenin, himself a quarter-Jewish, was forced by the economic ruination set in motion by the October Revolution to allow private businesses to make something of a comeback after years of suppression. However, the more ambitiously-collectivist schemes of Trotsky would be usurped by Stalin come 1929, as Stalin came to dominate the ruling Politburo following Trotsky’s expulsion. With the country having lost a decade of economic development to war and chaos, the Politburo triumvirate of Stalin, Molotov, and the Jewish Lazar Kaganovich decided that the peasantry in general and the Ukrainian peasants in particular should be obliged to boost their productivity so as to finance the rapid-fire industrialization required to militarize at the higher level of more industrialized nations that included the USSR’s enemies. For Communists this meant the forced dispossession of the peasants’ lands so as to organize collectivized farming on the industrial model. It entailed a theft of private property on a scale seldom seen in history, one bound to incur lasting resentment, especially from Ukrainians. Supposedly, such a drastic transformation was required to bring the Soviet economy up to and then hopefully beyond Western standards.

However, the more prosperous of these peasant farmers, those who resisted the scheme the most because they had the most to lose, were singled out by the Stalinist regime for severe punishment so as to dissuade the rest. Their fate: exile to frozen frontier wastelands or to Gulag labor camps, or outright execution. Many thousands of these ‘kulaks’ — an invented ‘class’ of supposed rural-bourgeois — disappeared, often along with their families. The largely Jewish-run NKVD (or its OGPU forerunner) did this dispatching. It even ran the camps. In the ensuing decades, the camps would immiserate 18 million inmates, and the families they left behind. The Gulag killed upward of two million. Soviet Communism would kill a total of 20 million Soviet citizens, not foreign enemies but the country’s own people, and conjure up a nemesis whose war against Soviet Communism and against the Balfour Declaration’s fruit: the Treaty of Versailles, would kill another 27 million Soviet citizens.

The culmination of collectivization came in 1932-1933 when the régime deliberately deprived millions of recalcitrant peasant families of all their grain and prevented them from obtaining any in the cities. As an inevitable direct result, a mind-boggling total of 6.3 million Ukrainians, Russians, and Kazaks starved to death, a veritable Holocaust a decade prior to the Jewish Holocaust.

Given the evident importance to Jewish intellectuals of the six-million figure, and their failure by a count of several hundred thousand to credibly raise the number of Jews murdered by the Nazis to that level, it behooves the Gentile world to bestow upon the Terror Famine of 1932-33 the status of The Holocaust of the 20th century. Let us call it the KRU Holocaust (Kazaks, Russians, Ukrainians) of which the Ukrainian Holodomor with 3.5 million victims was the most horrific component. And let us re-christen what was formerly designated by Jewish pontificators as The Holocaust as the Jewish Tragedy (of World War II). Only where we must defer to ‘tradition’ to avoid confusion or where quotation makes it unavoidable will I apply the term ‘Holocaust’ to the Jewish Tragedy.

The Jewish-owned New York Times, sympathetic to the Soviet regime, originated the phenomenon of Holocaust-denial by disputing or concealing numerous reports that millions had died of starvation, let alone died of deliberately-induced starvation. Perhaps the paper thought it impolitic to advertise mass-murder on an unprecedented scale by a régime whose collective dictatorship included Stalin-henchman Lazar Kaganovich, a Jew, and whose intelligentsia, bureaucracy, dreaded secret police, and military intelligence each had a Jewish core. In fact, this Holocausting régime constituted the most Jewish great-power government in history.

In Italy, many amongst those who had participated in the rise of Communism became repelled by what resulted, and in reaction turned to fascism. These people, like Benito Mussolini (il Duce) sought a political path that would cross that of Moscow Communism and destroy it. Jews became prominent amongst il Duce’s financial backers, political advisors and agitators. Mussolini, with this indispensable help from Jews, then became an inspiration and role model for Hitler.

Hitler’s ascent to power had an unlikely ally. The Jewish-dominated Comintern (Communist International), dedicated to sowing Communist takeovers in Europe and elsewhere, ordered the heavily-Jewish Communist Party of Germany to refrain from collaborating with other leftist parties to block Hitler. With history on its side, the Communists presumably could blithely watch from the sidelines as Hitler fell on his face, at which point the Communists would step in to fill the power vacuum. However, the burning down of the Reichstag, the 9/11 of that era, apparently by a Communist, prompted Hitler to ask for emergency dictatorial powers, which he would never relinquish.

Because Hitler never made a secret of his planned anti-Jewish measures (genocide, though, not being amongst them), once he became Chancellor, the worldwide Jewish community began to organize a boycott of German products with the intent of forcing Hitler from office. The boycott, let us call it the Great Boycott as per its potential, arose from the grass-roots level without any sanction, as yet, from the major Jewish organizations. It quickly snowballed, with as much support from Gentiles as from Jews. All it required to become devastatingly effective was the organizational clout of the American Jewish Congress (AJC).

However, the AJC was led by rabbi Stephen Wise, and Wise was a Zionist. The Zionist leadership in Palestine believed that Hitler’s ascendance was a great thing for the yishuv (the Jewish presence in Palestine) because it would convince many thousands of German Jews to bring themselves and their wealth to Palestine. The yishuv actually negotiated with the Nazis what became known as the Transfer Agreement. That agreement would allow the bulk of each immigrant’s wealth to be transferred to Palestine if it took the form of purchases of German manufactured goods, which would be sold in the Middle East to reimburse the immigrant.

The Zionist leadership in Palestine began to persuade Zionist organizations in the diaspora to oppose the Great Boycott, as demanded by the Nazis since the Boycott and Transfer were antithetical. Despite giving every appearance of being about to throw the weight of the AJC behind the Great Boycott, an over-emotional Wise allowed his personal Zionism and his personal animosity toward the de facto Great Boycott leader in America, Sam Untermyer, to undermine his judgment. At the crucial conference expecting his endorsement of the Great Boycott and the Congress’s resolve to ‘turbo-charge’ it, Wise announced — nothing. Nothing at all. The Great Boycott faded, to be replaced by a frenzy of German-goods buying in Palestine that the Transfer Agreement facilitated.

In fact, Transfer became so successful financially that the model spread throughout the Middle East. Instead of a snowballing Great Boycott to rid Germany of Hitler, there was snowballing ‘transfer’, so extensive that it functioned to prop up Hitler in power. The good faith and good will of Gentiles in enthusiastically supporting the boycott was thrown back in their faces. The Hitler phenomenon would be treated by Jewish leaders primarily as a windfall for Zion. If other nations took up ‘transfer’ as well, like Poland, so much the better for the outflow of money and emigrants to the yishuv. Of course, Hitler had also made his irredentist plans clear in Mein Kampf, so a strategy of appeasing Hitler for the sake of ‘transfer’ obviously risked war. In addition, Jewish sympathies for the Soviet Union, a secular Jewish paradise in the 1930s irrespective of (in fact totally dismissive of) the KRU Holocaust, were bound to intervene so as to prevent any Hitlerian arc of conquest from turning toward the USSR.

Indeed, come the truly-awful pogrom of Kristallnacht in 1938 — an over-reaction by the Nazis to the assassination by a Jew of a high-ranking Nazi official — Jewish organizations worldwide endorsed a new strategy of opposing further Nazi expansionism. A disproportionately Jewish-controlled press played up the evils of Kristallnacht and made it appear to readers that a war between Hitler and the West was becoming inevitable.

In fact, all that was becoming inevitable was that Hitler would demand some concessions from Poland, and then attack the USSR. Hitler’s goal had long been to scrap the Treaty of Versailles, as any German Nationalist in power would have done, re-integrate into the Reich German-speaking territories such as Austria and (more dubiously) the Sudetenland, and then make war on Stalin’s régime. Such a war would hopefully weaken or even destroy the Communist menace. And in so doing Germany would conquer portions of the western USSR that could then be re-populated by German settlers for the sake of food-sufficiency. Germany need never again face ‘being starved-out’ as in the First World War.

Unknowledgeable about America, Hitler had not factored into his calculations the power of the Jewish advisors surrounding U.S. president Roosevelt. Their collective urge to protect the Jewish haven of the Soviet Union was now paramount. The consequences of having propped up Hitler were becoming more deleterious to the prospects of East European and Soviet Jews than they were beneficial to Jewish Palestine. Jewish appeasement of Hitler and his Nuremberg Laws had to end.

For Poland to grant Hitler any concessions would mean that, next, the Wehrmacht would be deploying Polish territory as a ramp for invading Stalin’s Communist realm. Given that Stalin had recently decimated the officer ranks of the Red Army beyond all reason, the USSR seemed all too vulnerable. British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain was certainly disinclined to end appeasement on Stalin’s doorstep. In fact, a Nazi attack on the USSR would be appeasement’s big payoff for the West. Let the two totalitarian dictatorships go at it, leaving the West to re-arm so as to take on the victor, although the mutual exhaustion of Hitler’s and Stalin’s militaries was more likely.

The Jewish leadership was aghast at such a prospect. Its wishful thinking was that if Poland, Britain and France said ‘no’ to Hitler’s demands regarding Danzig and the Polish Corridor, mild as these demands were, surely even a gambler like Hitler would desist from actions that would turn all parties against him. So: once FDR’s envoy and alter ego William Bullitt (with distant Jewish ancestry and Communist connections) bullied Chamberlain into an appeasement-ending stance with the threat of the U.S. otherwise leaving Britain in the lurch, Chamberlain, tormented from the back benches by Winston Churchill and his Germany-hating faction, changed his tune: Poland must not give in to any Hitler demands, and should Hitler subsequently invade Poland, then Britain and France would declare war on Germany, as would the U.S. as soon as it shook off the American public’s and the American Congress’s anti-interventionism. Of course, the West believed that the threat would oblige Hitler to back off. He was too isolated. In attacking Poland he would be biting off more than he could chew.

The West was not prepared for an act of political cynicism that even Stalin’s detractors didn’t believe him capable of. The shocker was that a reconciled twosome of Hitler and Stalin would together attack and carve up Poland between them. That done, Hitler could turn his attention to France and Britain who, true to their word, masochistically declared war on Germany (but not on the USSR) while Stalin’s forces swept north conquering the Baltic states and Finland. Thanks to the meddling of FDR’s Jewish circle, its Jewish-Communist sympathies now overshadowing its Zionist sympathies, the coming war between two dictatorships became instead a war between key Western democracies and the ‘Black’ Nazis, with the go-ahead and great assistance being extended to Hitler by the ‘Red Nazis’ (any other term lends to the Communist dictatorship’s foreign agenda a comparative dignity it never deserved).

Hitler had not been so bold as to take on the West, not unless Stalin formally agreed to non-aggression between Germany and the USSR, and helped him neutralize Poland. Thus it was Stalin’s régime, whose intelligentsia and bureaucracy (and secret police until 1939) and military intelligence each had a Jewish core, that triggered World War II. Stalin believed that the Nazis and the West would battle to an exhausted standstill, leaving the USSR to seize upon vulnerable territories in Europe. Of course, it had been in the interests of the West to instead nudge the two dictatorships toward fighting to that exhausted standstill, but Jewish interests would not let that happen. Even in Britain, the Labour Party with its substantial Jewish contingent was overwhelmingly pro-Soviet and would have made even passive support of British Conservatives for a German invasion of the USSR a very dicey proposition.

In the U.S., war-capitalist interests (some overlapping with Jewish interests) plus a substantially-owned Jewish media combined forces with FDR’s substantially-Jewish administration to try to move the public toward approving of the intervention in Europe that the U.S. had secretly promised the Poles. While such efforts were contrary to American interests in 1939, by mid-1940 the Nazi-Soviet juggernaut that Jewish-American pressures had inadvertently engendered was re-drawing the map of Europe and, arguably, had to be stopped. France lay prostrate and Britain was reeling. However, the mess that U.S. intervention had made of Europe via its 1917 intervention weighed heavily on the public mind and on Congress and neither could be swayed. The probable death toll for the American military, which indeed would be staggering, was perhaps an even more important consideration. FDR could not have won the 1940 election with an interventionist platform.

The U.S. administration’s way of intervening became Lend-Lease assistance to Britain, which otherwise would have gone bankrupt within a year and been forced to make peace with Hitler (thereby averting most of the war’s Jewish deaths). Once Hitler was in a position to reactivate his original plan of attacking the USSR, FDR’s Jewish circle convinced FDR that Hitler’s facilitator and former co-aggressor, the Soviet Union, should be the worthy recipient of all the Lend Lease help Uncle Sam could muster. As limited as it was in 1941 compared to later years, this assistance probably made the difference between Hitler conquering the western USSR (including Moscow) in December 1941, and Germany being conquered largely by the Soviets in 1944-45. Jewish leaders, in this and in several other ways, would indeed ensure Hitler’s defeat and Stalin’s sensational victory.

The mass-murder of the Jews had never been a priority for Hitler, not until Operation Barbarossa slowed down in late summer 1941, thus rendering the anticipated quick-and-easy victory over Stalin a longer-term and more uncertain project. It was not until this note of desperation entered the picture that Hitler’s Einsatzgruppen extemporized the practice of slaughtering Jewish women and children along with the men. This incipient policy was doubtless also shaped by Churchill’s apparent determination to terror-bomb countless German civilian centers of no military significance, a de facto war crime, eventually reinforced by American terror-bombing, that would wind up indiscriminately mass-murdering about 3/4s of a million German civilians — women and children included. Hitler doubtless reasoned that all of Soviet Jewry should be designated as no less an enemy of Germany than German civilians had apparently been designated an enemy of Churchill’s Britain. Why should he show restraint where Churchill displayed none? And which was more despicable — children being quickly shot or children being maimed and buried in rubble by terror-bombs, and slowly bleeding or suffocating to death?

Churchill’s refusal to respond to peace offers was also the reason why European Jews were not being shipped off to Madagascar, which Hitler envisioned as becoming something of a Roman province of Jews under German control. Transport to the island was just too iffy while British warships still patrolled the sea lanes. The alternative was a German-supervised Jewish territory beyond the Urals, but the bogging down of the Wehrmacht far short of the Urals was rendering that prospect moot.

Hitler became freighted with the problem of what to do with all the Jews under his auspices, an unexpected problem other than in the USSR which he considered a Jewish-Bolshevik entity (he was half-right on this count) deserving of destruction (he was wholly right on that count). He had been all-but-obliging German Jews and other expanding-Reich Jews to emigrate — until the war in Poland, at which point he could not abide Jews regrouping wherever they chose in order to potentially strike at the Third Reich. Another problem was that the bulk of the Barbarossa invasion’s Wehrmacht-diet came from the lands the army conquered. By 1942 food was already scarce.

Obviously, food-wise, the Wehrmacht and German citizens would be prioritized ahead of the Jews, now imprisoned in ghettos or concentration camps. In fact, Jews were starving to death in the thousands even in 1941. The Nazis considered the deliberate starving one’s enemies to death as a barbaric Bolshevik means of execution unworthy of the German spirit. If they were going to die anyway, far better if they were either shot or gassed. These were horrific means, but they were almost humane compared to the mass die-offs via the agony of starvation and concomitant cannibalism imposed on 6.3 million Ukrainians, Russians, and Kazaks in 1932-33 by ‘the most Jewish government since the Second Temple’. The gas-chamber-equipped death camps constructed in Poland after 1941 accounted for about a quarter of the five-million or so Jewish death toll (as per historian Raul Hilberg’s never-altered estimate), the rest being shot, starved by the Allied food blockade, worked to death, or dying from typhus or other diseases.

Another reason for disbelieving the conventional wisdom that Hitler was intending genocide for the Jews right from the outset of the war or even earlier is that his first targets for mass-murder were mental patients in both Germany and Poland, and Poland’s Catholic intelligentsia, the latter jointly decimated by both Nazi and Soviet occupiers. The Soviet Great Terror of 1937-38, meted out by the Jewish-dominated NKVD, had targeted ethnic Poles living in the Soviet Union for exile or extermination, a quasi-genocidal model for Hitler to perhaps emulate with his captive Jews. Of course, circa 1930 the NKVD had already provided the precedent of ridding the nation of a category of humanity ‘not fitting in with utopian plans’, that is, the ‘kulaks’—a non-existent class consisting of real people. Hundreds of thousands had been shot, or shipped off to Gulag camps or frontier ‘settlements’ in the frigid north, a great many of them dying there.

Lend-Lease to the Soviets from the get-go allowed the Soviets to survive and then to conquer their way to Berlin. Just as America’s intervention 1917-18 had undone Germany’s Brest-Litovsk treaty with the Bolsheviks, a treaty that had severely deprived the burgeoning totalitarian state of territory and resources, so America’s 1941-45 intervention not only nullified all the USSR’s losses to Germany, it enabled Stalin to bring down an iron curtain over Eastern Europe, including a third of Germany.

In addition, though, the Jewish technical elite of the USSR was indispensable in designing and manufacturing many of the crucial weapons required to defeat the Wehrmacht. Jewish-Soviet partisans, Jewish aiders of the partisans, and Jewish spies were also of great use to the Soviet cause. Absent the Jewish factor, the Black and Red Nazis probably would have battled to an exhausted standstill.

As above, Hitler underestimated the Jews as an enemy, and did so right from the outset of his chancellorship. His early expulsion of Jewish professors from academe had ensured that Germany’s top Jewish physicists would render any Hitlerian victory a very short-term one. Once the Manhattan Project was underway in late 1939, Hitler was already the war’s inevitable loser by 1946. Jewish brains would have defeated him. An America with a mostly-Jewish-innovated A-bomb would have forced the Nazis to vacate any occupied territories they might have held onto in a more drawn-out version of the war with a weaker USSR.

The Manhattan Project turned out to be unnecessary in defeating Germany. It wasn’t even necessary for the victory in Japan, given that fire-bombing Japanese cities, like Tokyo, was as effective as dropping an A-bomb. What the Manhattan project wrought was the Korean War. While Jewish physicists were indispensable in originating the bomb, Jewish-Soviet spies were indispensable in stealing the A-bomb blueprints from the U.S. The A-bomb that the USSR tested in 1949 was an exact replica of what America had produced four years earlier. Only with a credible A-bomb threat could Stalin give satellite North Korea the go-ahead to invade South Korea.

Unbeknownst to most North Americans and Brits, Europe remained a savage continent from the war’s end right through to the 1950s. Successive occupations had bred different collaborators, who hated and fought each other. Polish partisans fought on long after the war was officially over. Because the USSR had obviously made the greatest sacrifice in defeating Nazi Germany, a triumphant Stalin inspired not only nations in transition such as China but Communists throughout Western Europe, many of whom had fought as partisans. As a result, several parliaments were riddled with communists for decades. And the threat of Communism, a real one in some nations, served as pretext for the Americans and British to prop up the most anti-Communist parties, which were often fascistic. Thus did triumphant Communism bring about a renewed fascism, and soon that phenomenon was worldwide.