3,349 words
Elliot Williams
Five Bullets: The Story of Bernie Goetz, New York’s Explosive ‘80s, and the Subway Vigilante Trial that Divided the Nation
New York: Penguin Press, 2026
“Wheel of Fortune, Sally Ride
Heavy metal suicide
Foreign debts, homeless vets
AIDS, crack, Bernie Goetz
Hypodermics on the shores
China’s under martial law
Rock and Roller cola wars
I can’t take it anymore”
—Billy Joel
I remember becoming aware of the Bernie Goetz case in elementary school. My teacher taught reading by using an age-appropriate newspaper-like publication that covered current events. That paper contained a bowdlerized version of the then ongoing controversy surrounding Goetz, who’d shot and wounded four black teenagers in a subway car on December 22, 1984. The race of the teenagers was downplayed, but I remember the paper claiming those who were shot were aggressive “youths” carrying “sharpened screwdrivers.”
The Goetz story was a nationwide sensation because the shooting took place at the critical social intersection of race and crime—runaway crime. Media saturated New York City was awash with crime in 1984 and the central drivers of the crime wave were sub-Saharan black male teenagers and young adults. This fact was universal knowledge by 1984. In his book Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey (1996), the late David Horwitz, who had worked for the Black Panthers, perfectly expressed how gathered individual experiences made black criminality become universally known in the mid-1980s, writing that:
…it occurred to me that the word “bad,” used by the [Black] Panthers as a term of praise, was something more than merely a colorful slang for “good,” as I had assumed. It also meant bad – as having the balls to do what is truly evil. Like murder.
Horowitz was also alarmed by the deportment of several mourners at a funeral, writing:
…[one] was wearing pinstripes, a white carnation in the buttonhole, a fedora tilted in Bogart fashion. He looked as though he had stepped out of a gangster film. I had seen [this sub-Saharan] before, but this time the image registered differently. I don’t know whether it was seeing him with the others, or just the accumulation of incidents over recent months, but I had a sudden intuition: This is not style; this is real.
Goetz became a representative of rising white frustration with post-“civil rights” black behavior.
Elliot Williams, a Jamaican who grew up in New York City and works for CNN as a legal analyst, has written a book about the Goetz affair. He starts the narrative with the blackout of July 13, 1977. This loss of electrical power shouldn’t have been remarkable. There was a blackout in 1965 which had caused New Yorkers to react with good cheer and cooperation. The 1965 blackout was even used as a gag in the TV show Green Acres, but writes Williams:
… 1965 this was not. For the next twenty-four hours, arson, looting, and violent crimes tore through the entire city. The predominantly black and Hispanic neighborhoods of the South Bronx, East Harlem in Manhattan, and Bedford-Stuyvesant and Bushwick in Brooklyn were among the most devastated. Some 1,037 fires, 50 of them serious, were the most seen in a single day in New York history. Rioters smashed through the steel door and windows at a Pontiac showroom in the Bronx, speeding off with fifty new cars … [the looting was widespread] … All told, 473 shops in the Bronx and 700 in Brooklyn were attacked, and the rioting led to a billion dollars of damage. Time’s next cover story, echoing the words of Mayor Abraham Beame, dubbed the event a “night of terror.” (pp. 4-5)
Between 1965 and 1977, New York City’s civic society had slipped downwards. White liberals running the city in the early 1970s had tolerated a steady increase in crime. Meanwhile, the Son of Sam—a serial killer who turned out to be a Jew—was still at large, and the city needed a financial bailout from the federal government. The bailout didn’t cover the shortfall, however. The transit police force was cut by 25%. This meant the police didn’t bother to deal with the small crimes. Smash-and-grabs, burglaries, and muggings became a daily inconvenience. There was a sense that matters were out of control. Whites were fleeing the city.
White flight left sub-Saharan blacks the only residents in large areas of the city, such as South Bronx. By the late 1970s, this region had become a hyper-ghetto of worthless properties which were often burned down by their respective owners to get the insurance money. While the South Bronx turned into an Africanized post-colonial dystopia, the subway system also declined. Graffiti covered the cars, whose lights ominously flickered. The tracks were ill-maintained, so subway trains deliberately moved slowly. Subway rides were uncomfortable affairs where sub-Saharan blacks hassled other riders, often demanding money. The sense of lawlessness was compounded by the fact that many of the young black men in the subway cars had not paid to get on the subway in the first place, they simply jumped the turnstile. The move Death Wish (1974) accurately reflected New York City’s problems.
A decade after Death Wish was released, there was a boom in video games and game consoles abounded in any business where people might loiter. Each game console required quarters to be played, and they were inserted into a slot and stored in an internal bin. The games could hold a significant number of coins, so they became targets for enterprising thieves who only needed a screwdriver to get the money. Four such thieves were Barry Allen, Darrell Cabey, Troy Canty, and James Ramseur, all sub-Saharan blacks from the South Bronx.
You can buy Greg Johnson’s Is America Doomed? here.
Allen, then 19, had already fathered a child. He was also addicted to drugs, aggressively stealing, and had already done prison time for assault and theft. At the end of 1984 he was facing more prison time due to violating the terms of his probation. Canty had demonstrated a pattern of psychiatric and behavioral issues in school and had beaten up a teacher. He also had a string of arrests for theft. He also used marijuana and cocaine. Ramseur had also been arrested multiple times for burglary, larceny, and robbery. He had four pending warrants for not appearing in court. Cabey was awaiting trial for armed robbery. As 1984 drew to a close, they got on New York’s subway on a quest to steal quarters from video game consoles.
The subways were the place where New Yorkers intermingled. On a subway, high earning bankers rode alongside mentally ill homeless men. The four sub-Saharan blacks entered a subway car and began behaving erratically and loudly. Only three were carrying a screwdriver, none were sharpened, and none carrying a screwdriver brandished a screwdriver. In the subway car was Bernie Goetz.
Goetz was the son of a north-German Lutheran immigrant and a Jewish mother who had converted to Christianity. He was an engineer who ran a home business repairing electrical equipment. Although Goetz was not among the super-rich, he was not underprivileged. Growing up, he attended a boarding school in Switzerland and had helped his father develop properties in Florida. Goetz had also been injured in a mugging several years prior.
In response to his mugging, Goetz applied for a permit to carry a gun in New York City, but he was ensnared by what the late Sam Francis called anarcho-tyranny, whereby the police cannot stop criminals, but can ruthlessly apply the law against the law abiding. Permit or not, Goetz was armed. He’d gotten several firearms in Florida. He frequently carried firearms and had brandished the weapon at people he thought were muggers in two separate incidents.
The four sub-Saharans surrounded Goetz and demanded five dollars. They had already committed crimes by sneaking on a bus and jumping the turnstile to get on the subway. They were on their way to commit more crimes. They were from a demographic that, by 1984, was universally known to cause crime. Muggings typically start with the offender asking for something. In aggressively asking Goetz for money, they were violating Law 19 of Robert Greene’s 48 Laws of Power: Know who you’re dealing with—do not offend the wrong person. They were in effect, seeking to rob an armed man who knew how to shoot, knew the signs of being mugged since he’d experienced a mugging, and had two prior experiences of pulling his weapon.
Goetz pulled out his firearm and shot. Accounts differ as to the exact specifics of the shooting. Most of the witnesses on the subway car said the five shots rang out quickly. In his later videotaped confession, Goetz claimed to have said, “You don’t look so bad, here’s another,” before firing a second bullet into Cabey. The two bullets fired into Cabey caused him to be paralyzed and brain injured. The confusion over the exact specifics of the shooting is not unusual. Most eyewitness reports of shootings are a blur of confused recollections.
During the shooting, someone pulled the emergency brake on the subway. The conductor of the stopped subway, which was filled with panicked riders, went to the scene and calmly asked Goetz if he was a cop. Goetz replied that he was not and then left the subway car, traveled through the subway tunnel to the next station, and then left the subway station for the streets, passing police cruisers speeding to the scene. He then rented an automobile and took off to Vermont, where he buried his disassembled gun in a snowbank.
For the next few days, Goetz kicked around New England, returned to his apartment on December 30, 1984, and admitted everything to his neighbor, Myra Freidman, a writer. Freidman would go on to testify at Goetz’s later trial. He returned to New England and on New Year’s Eve, 1984, turned himself into the Concord, New Hampshire Police Department.
The NYPD were already on to Goetz; they’d received a very specific tip indicating Goetz was the likely shooter after a police composite had been distributed through the media. Additionally, Goetz’s apartment was near the location of the shooting. While Goetz was in New England, detectives swung by his apartment and left a note asking him to make contact. Meanwhile, the New York Post, which had recently been purchased by Rupert Murdoch, had extensively covered the story. The story went national and support for the shooter was high.
Massad Ayoob, a cop’s cop and gun and self-defense expert, advises that a member of the public who shoots a criminal (a just self-defense shooter) should follow a five-point strategy after firing his weapon. After immediately surrendering to law enforcement, the just self-defense shooter should establish “the active dynamic.” Meaning the just self-defense shooter gets on the police record the fact that the person who got shot was attempting to rob, murder, etc. This puts the just self-defense shooter in the system as a victim and how one enters the system matters. The just self-defense shooter must then cooperate with police, point out evidence and witnesses on the scene, and then cease talking until represented by a lawyer.
Goetz did none of this. Not only did he confess everything to the police while being videotaped without a lawyer, he also fled. As Ayoob points out, flight equals guilt. Ayoob also reminds his readership that a few seconds of shooting can lead to years of legal trouble. That’s what happened to Goetz. His trial did not take place until 1987. He was found not guilty on all counts except a minor gun violation. He was sentenced on October 19, 1987—a date that came to be called Black Monday due to a stock market crash that dominated the news cycle. Goetz was sentenced to six months in prison, but the legal technicalities continued. Goetz had to be sentenced a second time in 1989 since the judge should have sentenced him to a year under the law. He eventually served eight and a half months, and his time was extended for two weeks over his refusal to return a razor because he feared re-using razors would spread AIDS.
As for the sub-Saharan blacks, Darrell Cabey never fully recovered and won a $43 million-dollar lawsuit against Goetz. Troy Canty seems to have successfully moved on, although he did rack up a “string of petty offenses” including stealing a home pregnancy test from a department store in 1990. He eventually left New York City and went to work as a mechanic. Barry Allen went on to continuously commit serious crimes, and he died in prison in 2021. James Ramseur was also involved in serious criminal activity, and he died in a hotel in the Brox on December 22, 2011. In the hotel room’s toilet was an empty pill bottle with its label scratched off.
In 2018, Barry Allen gave an interview and expressed his continued bafflement of Goetz’s actions. This is more a demonstration of Allen’s inability to see another person’s point of view than anything else. By 1984, crime had been out of control for two decades and it was universally known that young black men were fueling the disorder. Lack of empathy is a common trait among habitual criminals.
The Goetz shooting became a magnet upon which concerns around crime gravitated, however, the concerns did not arrange in a way that refuted the color blind “civil rights” order in 1984. Goetz’s supporters were a colorblind multi-racial group. His most visible allies were from the Guardian Angels, a group founded by Curtis Sliwa in 1979. The Guardian Angels wear red berets and special jackets. In 1984 they “patrolled” the subways attempting to suppress crime. Throughout Goetz’s legal affairs, Guardian Angels, often sub-Saharan blacks or “Latinos” with much sub-Sharan ancestry supported him in various ways including reenacting the actions of the four blacks on the subway for the jury.
Goetz also became the center-point of the activism of the increasingly political National Rifle Association (NRA). Prior to Goetz’s subway shooting, gun control was favored by most conservatives. As California’s governor, Ronald Reagan had enacted gun control after a group of armed sub-Saharan militants took over a courthouse and held a judge hostage. The NRA saw the issue from precisely the opposite view, holding that an armed citizenry would cut down crime because the “good guys” would be armed thereby changing a would-be criminal’s calculations as to commit a crime or not. One of the NRA’s most prominent spokesman for increased carry to deter crime was Roy Innis, a former Black Panther who had a proven record as a Black Nationalist.
This colorblind support for Goetz allowed for a political position to materialize that successfully won elections and solved problems until Obama’s weepy second term—the tough-on-crime social liberal. New York’s mayor during the shooting and its hectic aftermath was Ed Koch, who called himself a “liberal with sanity.” Koch was not reelected in 1989, and David Dinkins, a sub-Saharan black, won. The city continued to decline. Dinkins was replaced by Rudy Giuliani who enacted the broken glass theory of crime control.
You can buy Greg Johnson’s The White Nationalist Manifesto here
This theory holds that broken glass and other signs of decay indicate that an area is uncared for and that it permits crime. It also posits that the same people who commit the small crimes—like turnstile jumping—commit the big crimes. This was the case with the four sub-Saharans shot by Goetz. Giuliani’s police also used data visualization techniques to determine when and where crimes like purse snatching were occurring and surged forces there, catching many criminals. Giuliani also got homeless and mentally ill people out of the city by bussing them to Philadelphia and other places—it led to a minor outcry—but New York’s political elite were happy feeling safe so the bussing trick didn’t become a national scandal. Giuliani was aided at the federal level by tough-on-crime social liberals such as Bill Clinton. Williams skips over this in the book, although he points out that crime in New York City is down today compared to the 1980s.
The multi-racial, civic nationalists used the Goetz case to shore up and turn around a collapsing system for several decades. It was, according to law-and-order people like Chris Silwa, merely a problem of criminals of any race. However, the Goetz shooting had racial overtones throughout it and as attitudes have hardened these overtones have increased in importance.
The most prominent black voice campaigning against Goetz was Al Sharpton. Then he was a 305 lbs. preacher who dressed in a track suit. Williams writes:
Sharpton was deliberate in explaining that two things could be true at the same time: Goetz’s victims may not have been blameless, but nothing entitled Goetz to try to kill them and get away with it. “People feel we’re for the boys…[w]e’re not. If they did a crime, they should pay for it. They should go to jail, but so should [Goetz].” He was more blunt with the same sentiment when interviewed for this book. “The precedent to me was more important than the individuals involved,” he said. “A kid might have been rowdy on a train and said something threatening. And therefore you got the right to blow their brains out?” (p. 248)
Essentially, Sharpton argues that there can be no just self-defense shooter because such a shooter cannot justly or truly recognize a person as suspicious or a threat. This is the legal theory which got the just self-defense shooters of Ahmaud Arbery in prison for life. On the face of it, Sharpton’s argument has merit, however as with all things related to “civil rights,” it ignores much of the data.
Segregation appeared in the North as soon as public transportation by train became possible. It arose because sub-Saharan blacks have a known and consistent pattern of ill behavior in public spaces. Furthermore, by 1984, it was universally known that sub-Saharan blacks were fueling the crime epidemic.
Blacks are indeed dangerous, and many black professionals have a close relative in prison for serious offenses. There is real sympathy for crime in the black community. In addition to his moralizing against Goetz, Sharpton was engaging in a metapolitical campaign to narrow the definition of suspicious, pre-crime behavior. The four “youths” shot by Goetz were criminals on their way to commit a crime, at a minimum Goetz was right to be suspicious. Sharpton, however, was encouraging the whole society to rely on legalisms rather than the healthy instinct of self-preservation.
Additionally, Sharpton successfully carried out a political act. Sub-Saharan black crime gives blacks political power. Crime allows blacks to occupy extremely valuable real estate, and their occupation of this territory gives them representatives in Congress and state legislatures. This criminality also makes Maryland, Illinois, Michigan, and other states hostage to the black ghettos in Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, and other cities.
Goetz’s views reflected the opposite extreme. In 1980, at a meeting of his building’s tenement association, Goetz pointed out that “spics and niggers” were causing most of the crime. His remarks shocked the audience, and he was removed from the association’s board of directors. However, he was correctly pointing out that sub-Sharan blacks from the Spanish West Indies (“spics”) and the descendants of the African slaves brought to America (“Niggers”) were the main drivers of crime.
Williams presents the case that Goetz had the views of a modern-day white advocate, although at its core, Goetz has a darker vision. Williams writes:
Goetz’s comment from his civil trial that society would have been better off if Cabey’s mother had had an abortion, and a comment he made on NBC that “Society is better off without certain people…. Whether one believes that they should be killed or – locked up, or used in forced labor, is just a matter of one’s political point of view,” and it is clear that Goetz isn’t just all in on self-defense. He sounds like an evangelist for eugenics. (p. 290)
Goetz also became an evangelist for vegetarianism and rescued injured squirrels. He was a marginal character, indeed. His unaccommodating personality is filled with quirks. He is exactly the sort of marginal person who carried out an extreme act indicating a shift at the center of the bell curve. Other, more socially mainstream people, built upon the groundswell of support for Goetz and turned around New York City.
30 comments
That was interesting about the riots and looting in 1977….because the power went out. I had never heard about that episode! The major difference between the reaction to the power outage in 1966 and in 1977 is that the racial demographics of the city probably transitioned past some tipping point. Similar to Katrina in 2005, this shows it doesn’t require some perceived injustice for them to loot and riot–it’s just something they want to do.
Darrell Cabey never fully recovered and won a $43 million-dollar lawsuit against Goetz.
Great article! Goetz had $43 million? Always remember Goetz’s words, “Everyday was a new outrage.” Because that is the future for every White person. Also remember Orwell’s words, “If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a human face—forever.” 🙃
Any idea how much of that 43 million Cabey received?
If I remember correctly, Goetz was a “self-employed electronics engineer.”
After the civil judgement for Cabey, he had to declare bankruptcy and work marginal jobs for the rest of his life. He never lived high on the hog in the first place, other than I think he had some dingy, overpriced flat in Manhattan.
Darrell Cabey, who was crippled, was the only Negro shot by Goetz that day who did not go on to a full career of further felonies.
🙂
Goetz should have been a better shot. Then things would’ve turned out better for Cabey, NYC and Goetz himself.
I wonder how often he was able to train at a range, living in New York City.
They should have pinned a medal on him.
Wow, i remember reading we didn’t start the fire , that Benny goetz line. That song was everywhere it was Ike 85,86?
It’s so Jewish to point it the problems in the world as if aloof from them, insinuating that they would do something about it if they could. I remember a line in a woodsy Allen movie something like , “ if there’s one person suffering in the world , I’m depressed”!
it’s this public display of temporal virtue that because of religious liberty (which the Jews helped along so they could be free to operate) which demotes the supernatural and exults the natural, that Jews dominate in. It’s “under your system of atheistic governance that we us Jews take up the leading role in making this world a paradise, one law at a time.”
what was the topic? I promise I’ll read the rest of the article, promito!
You zany guy you. You’ve made me look at that song in a new light. 🙃
Written by Billy Joel. EST.
Bernard Goetz had every right to defend himself. It was unjust that he was charged with any crime. The so-called “authorities” in NYC should have been charged, not him. They were even more guilty than the black thugs. They allowed and encouraged violent crimes to occur, because they were decadent liberals and crypto-communists. As for Goetz, he was and remains a hero.
Today, it’s even worse. Now they rig the crime statistics, to whitewash black crime. With the advantage of hindsight, my only complaint about Goetz is that he failed to kill any of the criminals. Society would have been much better off without them – and their apologists, including William Kunstler and the social parasite Al Sharpton.
There were organizations that raised money for his legal defense. He had a lot of supporters in NYC. Many of them had rallies for him. One of them carried a sign that said, “Criminals better watch out or we’ll Goetz you”. Also, many callers called radio talk shows in NYC supporting him during the media coverage of him.
Has Goetz ever met Kyle Rittenhouse?
They’d have a lot to talk about.
Both survived institutional anti-whiteism.
I had a professor bring up the Goetz case in a college class, and we all got to watch some of his interviews. All of my classmates were horrified by the way Goetz talked about the guys he shot. It was hard for me to keep a straight face though, because some of the stuff he said is objectively funny.
Interestingly many Blacks at the time were sympathetic to Goetz; doubt that would be the case now.
Yes, Goetz handled the media in an extremely “autistic” manner, his own worst advocate.
Btw, Goetz’s prosecution was handled by Manhattan DA Robert Morgenthau. Yes, one of those Morgenthaus.
🙂
I read something a long time ago, so long it was probably print and not internet. It said 1990 had a subway shooting that was more important than Goetz’s. A black guy in Queens wanted to go to a disco (as late as 1990 they still had discos). He knew the cover charge was stiff but figured he would do something he had done before: rob someone on the subway train while traveling to the disco, which was called Bentley’s, on 41st Street between Madison and Park avenues, I believe. The white guy he tried to rob shot him and got off the train at the next stop and was never caught. This shooting, in conjunction with the Watkins Utah tourist killing in Times Square around the same time, got lots of attention from thugs, the article said. Even they realized things were changing and they would have to be more discreet in their criminal lives. I wish I could remember the publication. The author seemed street savvy, as if he knew the kind of thugs who would do these robberies.
A little film about the New York subway system called The Warriors came out in 1979, when I graduated from High School.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Warriors_(film)
It has James Remar and David Patrick Kelley in very-memorable roles. In college, we must have watched this movie a hundred times. It has some super cringey parts but was a lot of fun.
🙂
Great classic movie. I read that it inspired real riots inside the theaters when youth gang warriors saw “themselves” portrayed on the big screen. I doubt that happened. Typical MSM hype.
What I’m more interested in is if Puerto Rican gangs actually watched Pink Flamingos in theaters, when it came out. I read an oral history of John Waters movies, and it was hysterical that a drag queen said he was outraged when a Puerto Rican gang came to a Village art cinema to see a showing, and were loud and drunk and yelling “let’s go see the fag eat dog shit!” That drag queen fundamentally misunderstood Waters and everything he is about. To have the gang crash his film like that, if it happened, Waters would have considered it the highest praise.
I’ve never heard of any actual riots after The Warriors although I have never studied the subject. Few today probably even remember the movie. I will say that I have never been able to force myself to watch Pink Flamingos. It is not the first thing that I think of when lounging by the pool in a seedy motel near Palm Springs, LOL.
🙂
Walter Hill directed it; he also directed Southern Comfort.
The 1980s were a wonderous time for the National Rifle Association, which was starting to win some important political victories after the nadir with the 1968 Gun Control Act, the 1978 banning of privately-owned handguns at Morton Grove, Illiniois, and Reagan’s 1986 gun control law which took collector machine guns off the market except for millionaires ─ and even Republicans like the evangelical Neoconservative Bill Bennett were pushing for “Drug Czar” gun-control. There was indeed much pestilence in the Swamp.
The NRA needed to compromise not at all, and to make sure that the GOP heard the message at the ballot box.
The NRA fought bans on Hollywood-themed “assault weapons,” and laws were increasingly passed which allowed concealed carrry of firearms. We had hoped to get nationwide Constitutional Carry legislated with Trump, but he got distracted by other things, apparently.
As long as Bernie Goetz did not say something Rayciss, it was ultimately determined that he was allowed by law to shoot in self-defense ─ except that, oh yeah, it was then illegal to carry concealed without a permit in the People’s Republic of New York.
Furthermore, the CLEO or (chief law-enforcement officer) had no obligation to issue any carry permits to law-abiding citizens other than to Ted Kennedy’s bodyguards.
A friend of mine who worked the TV transmitter overnight alone, carried a S&W Bodyguard Airweight five-shot .38 Special. Mr. Goetz used a similar but slightly-heavier S&W style revolver, also in five-shot .38 Special where nobody got killed ─ so my friend started carrying “Treasury Department loads,” i.e., 158 grain +P+, which were painful to shoot from his light Airweight revolver model. In a famous Pultizer Prize-winning photograph, this Bodyguard model was the exact gun used by the Vietnamese security officer to execute a Viet Cong prisoner in Saigon in 1968. Since Goetz’s more pedestrian .38 Spl. bullet loadings over-penetrated without killing anyone, I am not sure a beefier loading would necessarily have worked any better. I guess the Secret Service thought so.
🙂
If I could go back in time to 1984, I would bring Bernie a box of modern-day JHP.
Goetz didn’t shoot them because they were black. He was used to black behavior and correctly recognized a threat. But did they act that way because they were black?
I suppose by “Chris Silwa” you mean “Curtis Sliwa” – the Polish-American who ran for mayor of NYC last year as a Republican, losing to Mamdani?
Morris: Goetz was the son of a north-German Lutheran immigrant and a Jewish mother who had converted to Christianity.
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Mrs. Goetz, a “dampened Jew,” was still considered a racial Jew by Jewish law, I expect, so Bernie could have invoked Aliyah and immigrated to Israel as a Jew, to my understanding. Maybe not?
30 years ago William Pierce reflected back on “the subway vigilante” as he was describing the corruption of “our” justice system by Jews: “WLP89: Proving White Is Black” at nationalvanguard.org:
…The New York trial of Bernhard Goetz. Perhaps you remember when this case first came to public attention, 12 years ago. Goetz, a 36-year-old electronics engineer, was riding the New York subway when four Black thugs approached him and demanded that he give them money. Goetz responded in a perfectly reasonable way: He pulled out his revolver and shot all four of them. Unfortunately, he didn’t kill them, although he did cripple one of them. The three Blacks who weren’t crippled recovered and continued their lives of crime. And New York being what it is, Goetz was arrested and charged with attempted murder for protecting himself. He was also charged with having a weapon to defend himself. He ended up going to prison for the better part of a year for possessing a gun to defend himself.
And then a couple of Jewish lawyers from the Communist-front National Lawyers Guild, William Kunstler and Ronald Kuby, sued Mr. Goetz on behalf of one of the Blacks who had tried to rob him. The case dragged through the courts, using up all of Mr. Goetz’ savings. Kunstler died during the process, but Kuby persevered. The case finally went to the jury last month: a Bronx, New York, jury of four Blacks and two Puerto Ricans. The jury decided that Mr. Goetz should pay $43 million to the Black who had tried to rob him — forty-three million dollars! The Jewish lawyer gloated over the verdict and crowed that it “sends a message to all racists with guns who think young Black lives are worth nothing. They’re worth a lot.” Score another loss for decent folks. Score another win for the Clintonistas. Score another win for the forces of corruption and destruction. Score another win for the Jews.
More about Kunstler and his fellow corruptors and destroyers, here: “Jewish Activists and White Institutions” at nationalvanguard.org
… Jews have never been more than a small percentage of the U.S. population. But, let us examine further. One of the most prominent African-American organziation is the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People or NAACP. The organization had numerous Jewish founding members such as professor Joel Spingarn, Rabbi Stephen Wise, banker Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, Julius Rosenwald, Lillian Wald, and Emil G. Hirsch. This organization was so thoroughly dominated by Jews that from 1915 until 1975 every president was Jewish…
…Martin Luther King Jr., the figurehead of the movement, relied heavily upon his Jewish friend and advisor Stanley Levison for organizing fundraising and publicity. Levison was previously involved with the leadership of the Communist Party of America in the 1950s and was introduced to King by Bayard Rustin, a member of the Communist Youth movement. When Levison was brought before the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Defense, his lawyer was Jewish-radical William Kunstler. Kunstler later defended several high-profile defendants such as the Chicago Seven, a group of mostly Jewish agitators who were charged with conspiring to incite a riot at the 1968 Democratic National Convention.
When we examine the role of Jews in anti-apartheid and desegregation activity we find that the Jews were not an oppressed minority acting in solidarity with Blacks. The overwhelming majority of Jewish anti-apartheid and ‘Civil Rights’ activists were university educated and occupied good positions within the dominant White culture….
Score another win for the Jews.
I’ve seen that kyke attorney on TV, Ronald Kuby, bragging about that settlement he got against Goetz. What a vile individual. I sometimes got the impression that Kunstler just wanted attention and to constantly be in the spotlight no matter how ridiculous he sounded and quite often he did. As far as the Chicago Seven, one of those jews, Abbie Hoffman, killed himself in April 1989. He was depressed over the conservative climate in the country, when George H.W. Bush became president after Reagan.
Bigfoot: February 25, 2026 I’ve seen that kyke attorney on TV, Ronald Cuby, bragging about that settlement he got against Goetz. What a vile individual. I sometimes got the impression that Kunstler just wanted attention and to onstantly be in the spotlight no matter how ridiculous he sounded and quite often he did…
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As presently in the U.S., Jews were the Germans’ misfortune in the 1920s and ’30s. Unlike in the U.S. today, however, Germans had the will and determination to rid Germany of Jew control.
There is precedent for ending Jewish control of an Aryan society, including the legal profession. If it was accomplished before, it can happen again to return to a sane White society. See: Antisemitic Legislation 1933–1939 | Holocaust Encyclopedia
During the first six years of Hitler’s dictatorship, government at every level—Reich, state and municipal—adopted hundreds of laws, decrees, directives, guidelines, and regulations that increasingly restricted the civil and human rights of Jews in Germany.
Antisemitism and the persecution of Jews were central tenets of Nazi ideology.
In their 25-point party program published in 1920, Nazi Party members publicly declared their intention to segregate Jews from “Aryan” society and to abrogate their political, legal, and civil rights.
Nazi leaders began to make good on their pledge to persecute German Jews soon after their assumption of power. During the first six years of Hitler’s dictatorship, from 1933 until the outbreak of war in 1939, Jews felt the effects of more than 400 decrees and regulations that restricted all aspects of their public and private lives. Many of these were national laws that had been issued by the German administration and affected all Jews. But state, regional, and municipal officials, acting on their own initiatives, also issued many exclusionary decrees in their own communities. Thus, hundreds of individuals in all levels of government throughout the country were involved in the persecution of Jews as they conceived, discussed, drafted, adopted, enforced, and supported anti-Jewish legislation. No corner of Germany was left untouched.
The first major law to curtail the rights of Jewish citizens was the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service of April 7, 1933, which excluded Jews and the “politically unreliable” from civil service. The new law was the German authorities’ first formulation of the so-called Aryan Paragraph, a regulation used to exclude Jews (and often, by extension, other “non-Aryans”) from organizations, professions, and other aspects of public life. This would become the foundation of the Nuremberg Race Laws of 1935, which defined Jews not by religious belief but by ancestral lineage and which formalized their segregation from the so-called Aryan population.
In April 1933, German law restricted the number of Jewish students at German schools and universities. In the same month, further legislation sharply curtailed “Jewish activity” in the medical and legal professions. Subsequent decrees restricted reimbursement of Jewish doctors from public (state) health insurance funds. The city of Berlin forbade Jewish lawyers and notaries to work on legal matters, the mayor of Munich forbade Jewish doctors from treating non-Jewish patients, and the Bavarian interior ministry denied admission of Jewish students to medical school.
At the national level, the Nazi government revoked the licenses of Jewish tax consultants, imposed a 1.5 percent quota on the admission of “non-Aryans” to public schools and universities, fired Jewish civilian workers from the army, and in early 1934, forbade Jewish actors to perform on the stage or screen. Local governments also issued regulations that affected other spheres of Jewish life: in Saxony, Jews could no longer slaughter animals according to ritual purity requirements, effectively preventing them from obeying Jewish dietary laws.
Government agencies at all levels aimed to exclude Jews from the economic sphere of Germany by preventing them from earning a living. Jews were required to register their domestic and foreign property and assets, a prelude to the gradual expropriation of their material wealth by the state. Likewise, German authorities intended to “Aryanize” all Jewish-owned businesses, a process involving the dismissal of Jewish workers and managers as well as the transfer of companies and enterprises to non-Jewish Germans, who bought them at prices officially fixed well below market value. By the spring of 1939, such efforts had succeeded in transferring most Jewish-owned businesses in Germany into “Aryan” hands.
The Nuremberg Race Laws formed the cornerstone of Nazi racial policy. Their introduction in September 1935 heralded a new wave of antisemitic legislation that brought about immediate and concrete segregation. German court judges could not cite legal commentaries or opinions written by Jewish authors, Jewish officers were expelled from the army, and Jewish university students were not allowed to sit for doctoral exams.
In 1937 and 1938, German authorities again stepped up legislative persecution of German Jews. They set out to impoverish Jews and remove them from the German economy by requiring them to register their property and preventing them from earning a living. The Nazis forbade Jewish doctors to treat non-Jews and they revoked the licenses of Jewish lawyers. In August 1938, German authorities decreed that by January 1, 1939, Jewish men and women bearing first names of “non-Jewish” origin had to add “Israel” and “Sara,” respectively, to their given names. All Jews were obliged to carry identity cards that indicated their Jewish heritage, and, in the autumn of 1938, all Jewish passports were stamped with an identifying letter “J.”
Following the Kristallnacht pogrom (commonly known as “The Night of Broken Glass”) on November 9-10, 1938, Nazi legislation barred Jews from all public schools and universities, as well as from cinemas, theaters, and sports facilities. In many cities, Jews were forbidden to enter designated “Aryan” zones. The government required Jews to identify themselves in ways that would permanently separate them from the rest of the population. As the Nazi leaders quickened preparations for their European war of conquest, the antisemitic legislation they enacted in Germany and Austria paved the way for more radical persecution of Jews.
The following list shows 29 of the more than 400 legal restrictions imposed upon Jews and other groups during the first six years of the Nazi regime.
1933
March 31
Decree of the Berlin City Commissioner for Health suspends Jewish doctors from the city’s social welfare services.
April 7
The Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service removes Jews from government service.
April 7
The Law on the Admission to the Legal Profession forbids the admission of Jews to the bar.
April 25
The Law against Overcrowding in Schools and Universities limits the number of Jewish students in public schools.
July 14
The Denaturalization Law revokes the citizenship of naturalized Jews and “undesirables.”
October 4
The Law on Editors bans Jews from editorial posts.
1935
May 21
The Army Law expels Jewish officers from the army.
September 15
The Nuremberg Race Laws exclude German Jews from Reich citizenship and prohibit them from marrying or having sexual relations with persons of “German or German-related blood.”
1936
January 11
The Executive Order on the Reich Tax Law forbids Jews to serve as tax consultants.
April 3
The Reich Veterinarians Law expels Jews from the profession.
October 15
The Reich Ministry of Education bans Jewish teachers from public schools.
1937
April 9
The Mayor of Berlin orders public schools not to admit Jewish children until further notice.
1938
January 5
The Law on the Alteration of Family and Personal Names forbids Jews from changing their names.
February 5
The Law on the Profession of Auctioneer excludes Jews from the profession.
March 18
The Gun Law bans Jewish gun merchants.
April 22
The Decree against the Camouflage of Jewish Firms forbids changing the names of Jewish-owned businesses.
April 26
The Order for the Disclosure of Jewish Assets requires Jews to report all property in excess of 5,000 Reichsmarks.
July 11
The Reich Ministry of the Interior bans Jews from health spas.
August 17
The Executive Order on the Law on the Alteration of Family and Personal Names requires Jews bearing first names of “non-Jewish” origin to adopt an additional name: “Israel” for men and “Sara” for women.
October 3
The Decree on the Confiscation of Jewish Property regulates the transfer of assets from Jews to non-Jews in Germany.
October 5
The Reich Ministry of the Interior invalidates all German passports held by Jews. Jews must surrender their old passports, which will become valid only after the letter “J” has been stamped on them.
November 12
The Decree on the Exclusion of Jews from German Economic Life closes all Jewish-owned businesses.
November 15
The Reich Ministry of Education expels all Jewish children from public schools.
November 28
The Reich Ministry of the Interior restricts the freedom of movement of Jews.
November 29
The Reich Ministry of the Interior forbids Jews to keep carrier pigeons.
December 14
The Executive Order on the Law on the Organization of National Work cancels all state contracts held with Jewish-owned firms.
December 21
The Law on Midwives bans all Jews from the profession.
1939
February 21
The Decree concerning the Surrender of Precious Metals and Stones in Jewish Ownership requires Jews to turn in gold, silver, diamonds, and other valuables to the state without compensation.
August 1
The President of the German Lottery forbids the sale of lottery tickets to Jews.
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When a Jew reads this not-so-distant history, he smells blood. Unfortunately for him, it is the blood of his shitty Tribe. All American Whites need is determined leadership.
I urge anyone not familiar with the Ahmaud Arbery killing to follow the link. https://www.amren.com/commentary/2022/01/justice-for-ahmaud-arbery/ . The three guys involved have now been in Georgia state prison for five years of their life terms. Their federal life sentences for hate crimes are running concurrently. The chances that the president would grant them a pardon for the federal sentence is maybe one in a thousand; the chance for a state pardon is probably nonexistent.
The trials took place in the year of Floyd, and were a travesty. Their appeals are dragging along and are not going well. The legal costs have impoverished the woman who is the mother of one defendant and wife of another. You can read her story at https://mcmichaeltrial.com/.
But how do you pronounce “Goetz”? Like “gets”?
Yes
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