Crazy Silence:
Black Omertà

[1]

Sasha Johnson, a BLM activist who was seriously injured in a shooting at a London party but whose case was mysteriously dropped when the only suspects were black males.

3,363 words

We need to talk about race. This is an interesting sentence in that it could be uttered with sincerity by someone from either end of the political spectrum. From a far-Left perspective, as we are well aware to the point of nausea, it means we need to talk about race all the time. Nothing does not concern race, and we need to talk about it and you need to listen. For those of us on the Right, it means we need to talk about a particular aspect of race, that part of the racial conversation which goes all but unspoken in the mainstream media: crime.

Urban blacks require a lot of policing, legal and judicial resources, and they need a lot of medical attention. They are expensive to maintain as a culture, and it is, of course, mostly white taxpayers who settle the bill. What are the financial costs of black urban crime? Having spoken to London lawyers who tell tales of young blacks who are trained by their legal representatives to engineer sympathy, to play the ubiquitous race card, and simply not to turn up at court appearances as rescheduling will be chaotic and time-consuming, I would be very surprised if the United Kingdom differed much from Jared Taylor’s observations concerning America in Face to Face with Race: “Most people do not realize this, but outside the world of corporate or securities law, in any big city the legal profession is to a large degree fueled by the pathologies of blacks and other Third-World people.”

One reason why people do not realize the vast drag on resources represented by blacks is that there is a highly organized and strict version of omertà — the famous Mafia code of silence — functioning (one might almost say systemically), both throughout the British media and police forces and, as we shall see, within the black “community.”

This radio silence means that reliable British statistics covering crime by ethnicity are not easy to find. You can find stats, but they are obscured by the algorithms of the big search engines; they turn up in unlikely places and they differ wildly. Let us see what London’s establishment has to say.

[2]

You can buy Mark Gullick’s Vanikin in the Underworld here. [3]

London’s Mayor, Muslim Sadiq Khan, is a keen devotee of Black Lives Matter, organizing a New Year’s Eve fireworks display in Central London (a long, long way from Minneapolis) with the now-famous logo center-stage [4], mimicking as it does the clenched and raised fist of the violent Black Panther group. Ruefully, having campaigned for the Mayoralty on reducing “stop and search,” [5] Khan finally decided to act on knife crime and released a report on February 10 of this year [6] calling for, it goes without saying, a commission to be set up. City Hall do publish their own dataset here, and although it is probably at the low end of the guesstimates floating around, it is at least something to which to tether policy: “Despite making up only 13% of London’s total population, black Londoners account for 45% of London’s knife murder victims, 61% of knife murder perpetrators and 53% of knife crime perpetrators.”

Note that black victims are listed first. Incidentally, several of the documents I refer to here note that hospital trauma care has improved vastly over the last decade, and the fatality rate would be higher if not for the dedication of the urban support services blacks enjoy.

The Mayor’s amended motion is mostly conceptual clutter: work together, structural inequalities, institutional racism, devastating communities and families, and additional resources — always additional resources. Khan, the document announces sternly, “introduced the Violence Reduction Unit,” seemingly unaware that he already has command of such a department. It’s called the police. This unit, the report states, will be “rooted in prevention and early intervention.” Well, sure. Almost exactly a year previously, Khan had ordered 1,000 young black men to be removed from a so-called “Crime Matrix” [7] (don’t people just love calling things a “matrix”?) because they weren’t deemed a threat. I wonder if data are available on how many of the gentlemen removed from the list went on to commit crime. But, since we are in Khan’s lair at City Hall by the Thames, we will go back further in time — 15 years to be precise — to hear from someone who was in large part responsible for what is playing out now.

Lee Jasper is not just any old black, race-baiting loudmouth, but a well-known toxic element in the periodic table of black crime in London. And he once had power. Riding high as a sort of PoundStore Al Sharpton until a scandal dented his career [8], he was Senior Policy Adviser and Director of Policing and Equalities to Mayor of London Ken Livingston from 2004 to 2008. He recently made the following telling observations on his blog [9] about Britain’s criminal justice system with regard to blacks:

I have said before and will say again unemployed black youth are worth more to the state — in jail — than claiming universal credit on the road.

Think about it. [Note: Anyone who writes “Think about it” is about to write something monumentally stupid]. When we go to jail, everybody gets paid.

The police officer, probation officer, social worker, prison staff, architects, and prison builders all feed off black youth’s direct demonization and commodification. Our children are seen as nothing more than the raw material needed to keep the prison industrial profit complex moving.

It costs well over £100k a year to keep a young person in jail, and it costs £49,000 to send them to Eton. Do the maths.

Is Mr. Jasper suggesting we take all the black boys who fail at school and send them to Eton, Britain’s — and one of the world’s — best-known public school (meaning private and exclusive in Britain)? He also writes, although it is unsupported, that “Government calculates the number of prison places needed in the future from the school education rates today.” This actually sounds like an excellent idea, and hopefully they do, but it won’t be necessary under Mr. Jasper’s scheme, and all those black boys in their long-tailed jackets and spick-and-span Eton collars won’t be needing suits with stripes on after all! It’s so simple when you think about it.

So, then. The Mayor of London will not solve the problem of black knife crime with his commission, and nor does he intend to. Perhaps there remains an undaunted British politician prepared to break the silence, the omertà that surrounds black crime. Does such a creature exist? Yes, but you have to go back to April 2007, and a campaign speech [10] given in Cardiff by Anthony Charles Lynton Blair, or the more matey “Tony,” as he prefers.

We often hear the defense that someone’s quotes have been “taken out of context,” which many of the more gormless public figures seem to think means “repeated without my express permission.” Blair is talking about crime, and his famous (at the time) line stands alone: “We won’t stop this by pretending it isn’t young black kids doing it.”

But it is what Blair said immediately beforehand that shows the avoidance of black culpability on a different level: “The black community — the vast majority of whom in these communities are decent, law-abiding people horrified at what is happening — need to be mobilized in denunciation of this gang culture that is killing innocent young black kids” [italics added].

Note the rhetorical packaging of blacks here. Blair — or his speechwriters — was actually a very savvy rhetorician. He often said, prior to a statement, “What I would say . . .” It’s a conditional; it’s brilliant: what I would say, but won’t.

Above, Blair operates on safe rhetorical territory — deifying the majority of the black community — until the last sentence. It is not “black kids doing it,” it is “gang culture” doing it, “it” being the killing of innocents. Moral agency shifts to a new plane, that of the gang, which takes on a motive force against which blacks have no choice but to acquiesce. So Blair has cunningly appeared to name the problem while at the same time blaming an abstract notion, “gang culture.”

Gangs and black behavior patterns are inextricably linked in London and, naturally, the whole idea gives the Left a sour taste in their mouths. Of course, it is not only abrasive black voices in the choir, and white liberals are also required for ideological quoracy. I am not entirely certain what business black crime datasets are of Amnesty International, but now there are so many other race-hustlers after a slice of the pie, I guess they have to go where the action is. Otherwise they might notice other pressing matters, like the languishing jailbirds from the January 6 protest, which the American Left has dubbed an “insurrection” what looked like at most aggravated tourism.

But Amnesty International’s Director, Kate Allen (a crop-haired white woman), finds the “Gang Matrix” most unsavory [11]:

It’s part of an unhelpful and racialized focus on the concept of gangs at the expense of concentrating on the most violent offenders. The entire system is racially discriminatory, stigmatizing young men for the type of music they listen to . . .

Let’s just stop Ms. Allen right there. This is not the first document I have seen which mentions music in connection with south London gangs, in fact a specific type of music, although it gives the word “music” a certain elastic quality: drill. This is as horrible as it sounds, but is worth a detour to fill out our picture of the abdication of black responsibility.

As a musician myself, and claiming to have an open mind, I listened to a drill compilation on YouTube. A few points.

Firstly, it was the loudest recording I had heard. I keep my headphone volume on full, as most of what I watch is speech, if you see what I mean, and the first beats caused some pain. Drill rap is clearly not background music.

[12]

You can buy Jim Goad’s Whiteness: The Original Sin here [13].

But it is mood music, culturally speaking — and what a mood. Drill music is psychotic. It is a soundtrack to nightmares. It isn’t really music at all, just a violent schizophrenic having an argument with himself over a clattering, ugly beat and keyboards that sound like a children’s learning toy. With sleep deprivation and non-stop drill, you could break any man. Well, other than a black drug dealer, I suppose.

Drill music has been linked to black gang crime in London not just as an influence, but directly, with gang members taunting one another through their rabid lyrics, and many rappers actively involved in black gang crime. It is a natural medium for black gangsters, requiring minimal talent and trading on its levels of aggression and threat.

The most informative report I came across was from The Policy Exchange [14], who are at least reality-based and break the mainstream media’s omertà on black crime. The report has the following to say about drill music: “Analysis by Policy Exchange found that of the 41 gang-related homicides in 2018, drill music played a role in at least one third of them.”

The urban, authentic glamor of drill means that the entertainment business sniffs money regardless of the ethics of boosting this decadent trash, and “one drill rapper received a record deal worth hundreds of thousands of pounds while awaiting trial for a murder he was found guilty of.”

Watching some of these loping, snarling performers, I was reminded of the words of a man who dared to tell the truth about black crime in America (there are no English equivalents) and the exact mindset of those who commit it, which crosses the Atlantic to London intact.

The late and much-missed Colin Flaherty, in his book Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry, asks an interviewee about black culture and violence. The man is named Marlin Newburn, and is described as having been “on the front lines of racial violence for 30 years. Most recently as a prison psychologist.” I would assume he is black, although this is unconfirmed by Flaherty. Newburn has this to say about young, urban black men:

This lifestyle is one of sadistic and primitive impulse where they believe themselves to be 10 feet tall, bulletproof, very smart, good looking, gifted, and tougher than anyone. If you’re thinking that’s the narcissism common among pre-adolescent children, ages 6 through 12 inclusive, you’d be correct. This population lives without any sense of personal responsibility or boundaries with others.

And this is the perfect summation of the failed approach to black criminality, which is appeasement followed by failure followed by more appeasement, because the nature of the beast is of no interest. Flaherty has given us a short and precise sketch of the problem. The relevant authorities will not look outside the hole-and-corner perspective of lack of opportunity, austerity, racism, and the rest of the grab-bag of failed excuses. And the media, first and foremost, protect the black brand just as thoroughly as they do brand Islam. Despite Blair’s tentative echo across 15 years, the British media are very much pretending “it’s not black kids doing it.” But surely Britain has a Right-leaning media alternative now. Surely they will talk straight about race and crime.

GB News has been touted as Britain’s answer to Fox News, and in the context of British media coverage of politics they have been at least a slight breeze of reasonably fresh air. A feature at the end of last year, however, typifies their attitude to race and crime and is in line with their rivals. The topic was knife crime in London, and a guest was the director of something called The Ben Kinsella Trust: George Kinsella. I remember the case.

Ben Kinsella was a little-league actor viciously stabbed to death in Islington, north London by three blacks in 2008 [15]. His father started a trust, and it has laudable aims. The gentleman was interviewed by two talking heads at GB News for around eight minutes, the subject being youth knife crime in London. Ethnicity was not mentioned and was not even alluded to. Mr. Kinsella’s motives are wonderful, but he will not help solve the problem because that problem dare not speak its name. And nor does he.

As an aside to this sad case of black urban savagery, and in case you were wondering if any blacks made any money out of Ben’s slaughter, don’t worry. Reparations were made [16]. The father of one of the killers was given £20,000 by the Metropolitan Police as compensation for an ankle he injured while police were looking for his son. The Kinsella family, for their loss, received £10,000. They spent it on Ben’s funeral.

If no one outside the dissident media will speak about the cultural blight of black crime, perhaps we should apply the time-honored legal principle of res ipsa loquitur and let the facts speak for themselves. In the last week there has been a development in a London crime story which neatly includes and exemplifies every aspect of the problem the urban UK has with (predominantly Anglo-Caribbean) blacks. We are familiar with the phrase “viewing everything through the lens of race.” This story shows that race is not a lens, but a prism, and the black light that passes through it refracts darkly into every corner of society.

Sasha Johnson is a Black Lives Matter activist who was shot in the head at a party in Peckham, South London, in May of last year. Jim Goad reported the shooting here at Counter-Currents. [17] From that moment until the release recently of a photograph of Johnson in hospital [18], where she remains in critical condition, there has been media silence, and the black caucus is also looking the other way. Don’t look at the photograph if you are eating or squeamish, by the way, as Johnson has had a large part of her head removed, and has also lost an eye.

When the story broke, there were immediate suggestions that Johnson was shot for her BLM activities, and the media were desperate for there to be some white supremacist, racist, far-Right assassin. This is a mythical figure the media in Britain are every bit as desperate for as are the media in America. Black politician Diane Abbott, stupid even by the standards of the Labour Party, tweeted [19] that “Nobody should have to potentially pay with their life because they stood up for racial justice.” The first hypothetical suspect where a black victim is concerned is always white, and usually affiliated to one of the far-Right groups the Left fantasize about but which don’t actually exist.

At our next way-station, arrests are made, and unsurprisingly the four suspects are young black men. As a result, the media dropped the story cold. The media’s job is to protect and promote the black brand, and without whitey as a suspect, they would be going against house rules. I have spent a long time in the last nine months searching for coverage of Sasha Johnson and, in terms of the mainstream media and outside of the arrests and trial details, there hasn’t been any. Wrong narrative, sorry. Try next door. A few weeks ago, I only found out she was still alive and in hospital via a YouTube video made by some random black guy.

Next, the court case, which had been set for March 7 — until the ultimate arbiter of justice in the UK, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), dropped the case [20]. There was not, said the CPS, sufficient evidence to take it to court. I thought there was a pre-trial process for all this, like an American arraignment, but looking at the details of the case’s dismissal, we note that even the judge was not told the ultimate reason the case could not proceed, regardless of any likely verdict, because the circumstances were deemed “too sensitive” by the prosecution, who could or would not tell the court the reason for the case being dropped.

When we cross-reference this with the police statement concerning the difficulty of the case, we find that Detective Chief Inspector Nigel Penney noted a “wall of silence [21]” among potential witnesses. Omertà has travelled from the parched hills of Sicily and Sardinia to the mean streets of south London to become “snitches for stitches” or, in Johnson’s case, a bullet in the head. Johnson’s sister called the witnesses’ silence “crazy.” Really? Talk to the police and risk getting shot dead or keep quiet and wipe your phone? What seems crazed to me is the silence from the mainstream media.

Finally, the itemized bill:

  1. A police investigation made needlessly long by the attitudes and obstructive protocols of the black “community”.
  2. The legal costs. Even though the case was dropped at the last minute, I don’t imagine pre-trial costs come cheap, and that lawyers remain unpaid.
  3. The healthcare bill. Now, Sasha Johnson may recover and go home. That said, the photo shows a woman with a large slice of skull — and presumably brain — entirely missing. The scant details which have emerged show someone who will need care, possibly intensive care, for the rest of her life. The hospital costs up until now would probably be enough to send Miss Johnson’s two children to Eton, which would make Lee Jasper happy and give us more company directors and diplomats to look forward to.

And, presumably, the hunt continues. The police will chase their tails, their number one priority being “community relations” which, for police everywhere, means public relations. Many witnesses at the party could undoubtedly have secured a conviction but, as noted, Sasha Johnson received not stitches, or not just stitches, but a violent and partial craniotomy for some tribal misdemeanor.

I opened with a sentence which could have come from Left or Right, so let’s finish with another, from The Huffington Post [22] and itself the last sentence of a piece on London knife crime and its disproportionate impact on blacks:

In the absence of open and honest discourse surrounding the causes and symptoms of violent crime in the capital, as well as tangible social and legislative change to even out the playing field, campaigners fear that the problem of disproportionality within this epidemic will only worsen.

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