Some eminent notables have claimed that the American Civil War had substantial roots in literature. Mark Twain, for example, said of Sir Walter Scott that he was “in great measure responsible for the war.” That proposition is debatable, of course. This argument hinges on how much the widespread influence of his romanticized chivalric prose bolstered the South’s hyper-thumotic stance — in plainer words, piss and vinegar — which contributed to secession, and shortly thereafter a war that went horribly awry. The counterargument is that other factors created a siege mentality inspiring these desperate and tragic actions.
More plausibly, it is said that Abraham Lincoln met Harriet Beecher Stowe in 1862 and remarked, “So you’re the little woman who wrote the book that started this great war!” The novelist Thomas Dixon (most notably the author of Fraternity Tri Kappa blockbusters like The Clansman, adapted into film as The Birth of a Nation) concurred, putting it a little more bluntly: “A little Yankee woman wrote a book. The single act of that woman’s will caused the war, killed a million men, desolated and ruined the South, and changed the history of the world.”
That book, of course, was the anti-slavery classic Uncle Tom’s Cabin.[1] It first appeared in serial form and, once it was compiled into two volumes, became America’s first blockbuster novel. I would like to thank a certain Leftist professor for forcing me to read it long ago so that I may describe it now. The South fired back with a number of literary responses, including one that I reviewed for my début article here, but none matched the popularity of Stowe’s screed.
The slavery problem in development
In colonial times, captives were added to the workforce. At first these were indentured servants who were bound nominally for seven year terms. Most were white — which is why we don’t hear much about them lately –, but there were exceptions. When a former indentured servant from Angola successfully sued to keep his African indentured servant permanently, it created a precedent and gave slavery a racial character. The importation of Africans eventually became a big business. This ultimately meant that ending the slavery problem would create a race problem, because the descendants of this captive workforce turned out to be remarkably unassimilable.
This slavery problem from colonial times was inherited by the United States, and it nearly destroyed the country in the 1860s. After that, it transformed into a race problem beginning with Radical Reconstruction. It set cities aflame in hundreds of riots in the 1960s stemming from a campaign of Leftist agitation. The race problem once again threatens to tear the US apart as today’s exploiter class is using blacks in their “both halves against the middle” dialectic.
The earliest plantation owners, who couldn’t be bothered to pick their own cotton, were much like today’s globalists. They were exploiters who put their wealth ahead of their race’s well-being. Some masters of later generations were terminally greedy, too. But there were others, decent people who had inherited their estates and were doing their best to cope with the rotten institution that came with it.
Complicating the matter, some states made it difficult or even nearly impossible for masters to free their slaves. It’s likely that the legislators didn’t want to have to deal with large populations of unsupervised blacks. (That much might seem mean-spirited, but a trip to your city’s Martin Luther King Boulevard at night might provide some hints as to their rationale.) To many, the prospect of immediate emancipation was unpalatable because it meant that multiracialism would unfold on a mass scale.
Slavery was indeed a terrible mistake, one that became increasingly obvious as such with the passage of time, but there was no consensus on how to deal with it. In earlier times, practical proposals often ended in howls from the greedier types about their sacred “property rights.” (Did I mention piss and vinegar?) Moreover, it wasn’t simply a debate about maintaining the status quo versus abolition. The latter position also contained a range of opinions concerning how this would be accomplished, whether to do so gradually or immediately, and what would become of the freedmen. Thomas Jefferson, who was deeply troubled by the matter, summarized the difficulties early on:
But as it is, we have the wolf by the ear, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other.
Morally speaking, this was hardly a black-and-white distinction — if one will pardon the expression. For one thing, the martial valor and heroic resistance of the Confederates on the battlefield was indeed admirable. Even so, the ruling class in Richmond ultimately put them up to this Lost Cause mostly for the sake of cheaply-picked cotton. This gamble turned out to be catastrophic.
In the antebellum North, some abolitionists were remarkably wrongheaded. Some envisioned a multiracial society as America’s future. Apparently they had a remarkably misguided concept of what this would involve, not entirely different from that of today’s wealthy liberals and other “desegregation now, but not in my back yard” types. Then there were those who wanted to solve the race problem by amalgamation (race-mixing), much like what today’s globalists and Zionists are trying to push onto the public. They were so unpopular even in the North that few dared to advocate this openly. The most immediate threat was a growing number of radical abolitionists who wanted to settle the slavery problem with violence. By itself, agitating for non-exploitative labor practices is great. However, the ethics get a bit complicated if it involves trying to get masses of people killed over the principle.
Could there have been a better way? Was there a middle course to steer? The grim lessons from history demonstrate that the correct solution was held by the moderates who called for peaceful liberation and the creation of a colony for the freedmen. Among the pro-colonialists were several presidents, beginning with Jefferson and including Lincoln – at least until the Battle of Fort Sumter put peace out of reach. All of these eminent presidents would be considered “dangerous Right-wing extremists” today for backing peaceful separation. However, those who advocated for a controlled dismantling of slavery and colonization so that the freedmen could forge their own destiny were those who had the only right answers in a controversy in which the extremes on both sides were wrong.
The metapolitical impact of Uncle Tom’s Cabin
The debate about slavery was initially carried out mainly in terms of economics and Enlightenment philosophy. Then it acquired another dimension as ultra-Calvinism began mixing religion and politics and the latter eclipsed and eventually swallowed up the former. Uncle Tom’s Cabin was in that tradition. As a melodramatic tear-jerker that became a wildly popular bestseller, Uncle Tom’s Cabin brought considerable emotion into what started as a fairly dry debate. The book became a radicalizing factor that shifted the Overton window toward the danger zone.
Previously, the North and South had been able to negotiate over the apportionment of new states while maintaining a partial containment policy limiting the spread of the slavery problem. However, the book’s impact on the public made further cooperation increasingly politically unpalatable. All told, there may well be something to the semi-apocryphal Lincoln quote about Uncle Tom’s Cabin starting the war.
By the time Uncle Tom’s Cabin was published, abolitionist sentiment already was at a fever pitch in certain ultra-Calvinist circles. These included some zealots who couldn’t wait to foment a holy war — to be fought by other people. This appears to be the beginning of ethnomasochism, although unlike today, they had some real oppression to complain about. (It was a missed opportunity that nobody argued that “it’s only private business doing it“; that line works like magic lately.) Uncle Tom’s Cabin helped fan the flames outward to the Northern public, which previously had been much more ambivalent and disunited about the slavery problem.
After the fanatical mattoid John Brown raided Harper’s Ferry in 1859, intending to ignite a race war to the death from the Potomac to the Rio Grande, much of the North hailed the terrorist as a martyr. (The plot failed largely because Brown greatly overestimated the willingness of slaves to join him on a mission of mass slaughter. Say what one will about the violent tendencies of blacks, mattoids are far worse.) This event, and of course the Northern response to it, greatly exacerbated the Southern siege mentality. Soon things would come to a head.
The radicals got the bloodbath they wanted to soothe their aching sense of collective guilt. As they say, the rest is history. Every last one of the goody-goody preachers, fire-breathing newspaper editors, and loudmouth agitators should’ve been drafted to take point and dodge Confederate Minié balls. Their First Wave feminist allies should’ve been conscripted into elite Petticoat Platoons tasked with charging cannon emplacements.
Indignation over the Fugitive Slave Act provided much of the impetus to write the story. At the end, Stowe indicates that the events the book describes were a composite taken from real life. How much this was true was a matter of debate. This inspired her to write another book documenting how the ill-treatment described in the novel really did sometimes happen. Other than the plot, some of the characters were composites, too. This includes Uncle Tom himself, a saintly gentle giant who suffers a martyr’s death. Where have we heard that one lately?
Christian imagery pervades the book. Stowe really did believe in Jesus. Although she lays it on pretty thick, this much is actually a bit refreshing now that ultra-Calvinism and related currents have become so watered down and moldy. In modern times, there’s still plenty of politicized Protestantism, “social gospel” stuff, Herz-Jesu-Sozialismus, and varieties of Reform Judaism that consider tikkum olam (repairing the world) to be identical with Current Year liberalism. It’s thus unusual these days to read an ultra-Calvinist text that doesn’t take religion as little more than an ideology with a plastic halo, and doesn’t consider Scripture to be a collection of liberal aphorisms amidst heaps of unimportant fluff.
The book also had its influence on the drama of its time. Some Uncle Tom minstrel acts carried into the vaudeville era. Other than that, the book was part of the tradition that portrayed blacks as rustic innocents. (Lately, blacks really don’t care for that sort of thing.) There were staged presentations of Uncle Tom’s Cabin that were generally faithful to the book, although some took out the tragic elements and focused more on the happier moments. Perhaps the creative license involved was rather like staging excerpts from Brokeback Mountain as a campy comedy.
Stylistically, the book has a clumsy start. However, Stowe’s writing chops gradually improve during the long process of creating the story. The problem is that the end wraps up with much commentary marred by frequent sour notes. To its credit, the book does get some things right, such as by supporting peaceful emancipation and colonization. Unfortunately, though, some other parts are rather horrid. Blacks agree, too, though for different reasons. (“Uncle Tom” has become an epithet for a black lacking sufficient ethnic solidarity, just as “racist” has become an epithet for a white possessing sufficient ethnic solidarity.) One positive takeaway is that it proves the notion that ideas matter and can have far-reaching effects.
Sold down the river
At the beginning, Uncle Tom’s master is persuaded to sell him to pay down a debt. During the discussion, a youngster walks in:
“Hulloa, Jim Crow!” said Mr. Shelby, whistling, and snapping a bunch of raisins towards him, “pick that up, now!”
The child scampered, with all his little strength, after the prize, while his master laughed.
“Come here, Jim Crow,” said he. The child came up, and the master patted the curly head, and chucked him under the chin.
“Now, Jim, show this gentleman how you can dance and sing.” The boy commenced one of those wild, grotesque songs common among the negroes, in a rich, clear voice, accompanying his singing with many comic evolutions of the hands, feet, and whole body, all in perfect time to the music.
This is not, as one might imagine, the origin of either the famous Jump Jim Crow minstrel act or the moonwalk. The merchant, a greasy character, convinces the master to throw the youth into the deal to call the debt even. A short discussion follows about how to take him away while minimizing the mother’s resistance, including the following:
“Why, yes, sir, I may say so. You see, when I any ways can, I takes a leetle care about the onpleasant parts, like selling young uns and that, — get the gals out of the way — out of sight, out of mind, you know, — and when it’s clean done, and can’t be helped, they naturally gets used to it. ‘Tan’t, you know, as if it was white folks, that’s brought up in the way of ‘spectin’ to keep their children and wives, and all that. Niggers, you know, that’s fetched up properly, ha’n’t no kind of ‘spectations of no kind; so all these things comes easier.”
“I’m afraid mine are not properly brought up, then,” said Mr. Shelby.
“S’pose not; you Kentucky folks spile your niggers. You mean well by ’em, but ‘tan’t no real kindness, arter all. Now, a nigger, you see, what’s got to be hacked and tumbled round the world, and sold to Tom, and Dick, and the Lord knows who, ‘tan’t no kindness to be givin’ on him notions and expectations, and bringin’ on him up too well, for the rough and tumble comes all the harder on him arter. Now, I venture to say, your niggers would be quite chop-fallen in a place where some of your plantation niggers would be singing and whooping like all possessed. Every man, you know, Mr. Shelby, naturally thinks well of his own ways; and I think I treat niggers just about as well as it’s ever worth while to treat ’em.”
As intended, that hardly leaves a positive impression of the slave traders’ mentality. I actually concur: These types could win the Fidel Castro Human Rights Award. Slavery sucks, film at 11. I won’t even say that it’s a straw-man characterization, as I’ve seen plenty of corporate dickweeds who are one whip, a pair of manacles, and two hundred years away from being plantation overseers.
Other than that, local color dialect usage had recently come into literary fashion. There’s much more of Stowe’s impression of redneck talk where it came from. It does mellow her butchering of early Ebonics, such as this:
“Well, yer see,” said Sam, proceeding gravely to wash down Haley’s pony, “I ‘se ‘quired what yer may call a habit o’ bobservation, Andy. It’s a very ‘portant habit, Andy; and I ‘commend yer to be cultivatin’ it, now yer young. Hist up that hind foot, Andy. Yer see, Andy, it’s bobservation makes all de difference in niggers. Didn’t I see which way the wind blew dis yer mornin’? Didn’t I see what Missis wanted, though she never let on? Dat ar’s bobservation, Andy. I ‘spects it’s what you may call a faculty. Faculties is different in different peoples, but cultivation of ’em goes a great way.”
“I guess if I hadn’t helped your bobservation dis mornin’, yer wouldn’t have seen your way so smart,” said Andy.
At least that was Sam and Andy rather than Amos and Andy! There are reasons why blacks don’t like the book, no matter how much it contributed to accelerating their ancestors’ liberation. Aside from that, news of the foul transaction gets out, inspiring a desperate escape and much nineteenth-century purple prose:
The frosty ground creaked beneath her feet, and she trembled at the sound; every quaking leaf and fluttering shadow sent the blood backward to her heart, and quickened her footsteps. She wondered within herself at the strength that seemed to be come upon her; for she felt the weight of her boy as if it had been a feather, and every flutter of fear seemed to increase the supernatural power that bore her on, while from her pale lips burst forth, in frequent ejaculations, the prayer to a Friend above — “Lord, help! Lord, save me!”
If it were your Harry, mother, or your Willie, that were going to be torn from you by a brutal trader, tomorrow morning, — if you had seen the man, and heard that the papers were signed and delivered, and you had only from twelve o’clock till morning to make good your escape, –how fast could you walk? How many miles could you make in those few brief hours, with the darling at your bosom, — the little sleepy head on your shoulder, — the small, soft arms trustingly holding on to your neck?
We get it. Slavery sucks! That wasn’t much of a surprise to the audience, of course.
Down in Nawlins
There are a lot of other subplots, perspectives, and developments afoot as well, but for now I’ll focus on the eponymous Tom. He ends up with the St. Clare family in Louisiana. Master Augustine is basically a decent fellow, other than being too cheap to pay his workers. As for Mistress Marie, she’s a real piece of work — not to put too fine a point on it, a bitch with fleas. The readers are laughing at her complaints about “sick-headaches” and taking her for a nitwit from the outset. Right after discrediting herself as an annoying hypochondriac, she starts on another rant which reveals her illiberal views about race. Message: White pride is uncool.
I found that quite transparent. (I always have had a knack for detecting propaganda, which seems to accompany my lifelong authority problem.) Still, it was also rather clever for a rookie novelist. Propagandist pros on the level of Edward Bernays call this sneaky psychological tactic “associative conditioning.” Over a century later, the “white pride is uncool” shtick was the central point of Norman Lear’s famous Archie Bunker sitcoms, also delivered through a straw-man character.
Then we have the following highly iconic paragraph. After reading it in college, I haven’t been able to get it out of my head despite having drunk enough beer during the following years to float a battleship:
If ever Africa shall show an elevated and cultivated race, — and come it must, some time, her turn to figure in the great drama of human improvement. — life will awake there with a gorgeousness and splendor of which our cold western tribes faintly have conceived. In that far-off mystic land of gold, and gems, and spices, and waving palms, and wondrous flowers, and miraculous fertility, will awake new forms of art, new styles of splendor; and the negro race, no longer despised and trodden down, will, perhaps, show forth some of the latest and most magnificent revelations of human life. Certainly they will, in their gentleness, their lowly docility of heart, their aptitude to repose on a superior mind and rest on a higher power, their childlike simplicity of affection, and facility of forgiveness. In all these they will exhibit the highest form of the peculiarly Christian life, and, perhaps, as God chasteneth whom he loveth, he hath chosen poor Africa in the furnace of affliction, to make her the highest and noblest in that kingdom which he will set up, when every other kingdom has been tried, and failed; for the first shall be last, and the last first.
Let that one sink in. Other than this unique vision of what Zimbabwe would be like, we can see that Stowe thought that the blacks of the future were going to be all lovey-dovey. If only those Yankee Gutmenschen could’ve seen the future and beheld today’s hordes of under-parented youths with their unfortunate habits of street crime and rioting, then America could’ve been spared a Civil War. Other than that, this wad of ultracalvinism makes me want to read Nietzsche’s Der Antichrist and Also Sprach Zarathustra back-to-back as an antidote.
Other than the above-mentioned characters, Eva (short for Evangeline, a name obviously meant to be symbolic) is another notable St. Claire family member. She was born with a heart problem; given the limitations of nineteenth-century medicine, this meant that she wasn’t going to make it to adulthood. The subplot thus drags on into an inevitable grim tragedy, but one imbued with religious meaning that inspires those around her. Topsy, a young slave girl, puts aside her cynicism. Miss Ophelia, the abolitionist who owns her — it’s slightly complicated — puts aside her prejudice. Master Augustine agrees to free Uncle Tom.
Things aren’t so simple, however. Before Mr. St. Clare can do so, he gets stabbed while trying to break up a fight between some drunks. Mistress Marie doesn’t respect his wishes, so Uncle Tom gets sold yet again. Did I mention that she’s a bitch?
The belly of the beast
Imagine the absolute worst dickweed you’ve ever had the misfortune of working for: some sadistic wallet-head who thinks being higher on the corporate totem pole makes him very goddamned special. Now imagine that you can’t quit this job, you’re not getting paid, and the petty tyrant has nearly ultimate authority which is enforceable at the end of a bullwhip. This, of course, is the basic argument for why slavery is bad. In the book, this dickweed is Simon Legree, Uncle Tom’s next master.
At this point, it’s fair to consider, how common were such types? Sadists did exist, just as they do now. However, they seem to have been in the minority; more about this later. The labor force greatly outnumbered management on plantations, so obviously there were practical reasons to keep morale problems from escalating out of control. That meant using the least amount of coercion to maintain normal production, with brute force used sparingly (and preferably never). All told, Simon Legree is essentially a caricature. Assuming that relentless cruelty was the norm in real life would be rather like making Lumbergh from Office Space the face of modern capitalism.
There are other plot points that are worse than ordinary sadism. Simon Legree is also a sexual predator. Christianity never had a “that which your right hand owns” doctrine, and slave codes didn’t exempt such disgusting behavior from being a felony, which were among several reasons why it would’ve been considered utterly abhorrent. (Moral standards have relaxed tremendously, but even now, perps belong in a concentration camp.) That’s not to say such evils never happened, but anyone that foolish risked getting a knife in the back, or at the very least an explosive scandal that would’ve made him a pariah for life. Arranging a consensual liaison would’ve much less hazardous, though it would’ve been seen as sinful and deviant if discovered. Finally, Legree’s excessive cruelty contributes to the deaths of some of his slaves. He admits early on that he routinely works them to death. Reputations mattered, and even someone suspected of such an attitude would’ve been regarded as a ghoul, at best. Moreover, that was hardly realistic, since even the most soulless economite would’ve realized that slaves are certainly not expendable.
In any event, Legree wants to add Uncle Tom to his plantation’s goon squad, although he already has two enforcers, Sambo and Quimbo (I’m not making this up). It’s one of those forgotten facts of history that most slave-drivers were blacks. Stowe tells us:
It is a common remark, and one that is thought to militate strongly against the character of the race, that the negro overseer is always more tyrannical and cruel than the white one. This is simply saying that the negro mind has been more crushed and debased than the white. It is no more true of this race than of every oppressed race, the world over. The slave is always a tyrant, if he can get a chance to be one.
That’s right; their behavior was all our fault. Over a century and a half after Emancipation, the target of blame for their aggregate character problems hasn’t changed.
Showing admirable class solidarity, Uncle Tom refuses to become an enemy of the people. Things therefore get off to a bad start. He pointedly refuses to obey a direct order to flog an unwilling concubine who is being replaced. Eventually, the subplots — most pretty grim — approach their conclusions. George Shelby, the son of the first master, sets out to buy him back, but arrives a little too late. Uncle Tom dies a martyr, a tragedy deep with religious meaning.
The John Galt speech
George Harris, a mixed-race minor character, writes a letter first declaring his allegiance to his African side. Then:
The desire and yearning of my soul is for an African nationality. I want a people that shall have a tangible, separate existence of its own; and where am I to look for it? . . . On the shores of Africa I see a republic, — a republic formed of picked men, who, by energy and self-educating force, have, in many cases, individually, raised themselves above a condition of slavery. Having gone through a preparatory stage of feebleness, this republic has, at last, become an acknowledged nation on the face of the earth, — acknowledged by both France and England. There it is my wish to go, and find myself a people.
The answer is Liberia, and other nations that shall follow. Then this:
A nation has a right to argue, remonstrate, implore, and present the cause of its race, — which an individual has not.
Careful, Harriet; you wouldn’t want people to think you’re a dangerous right-wing extremist, now would you? Then there’s an odd appeal to an envisioned future globalism:
If Europe ever becomes a grand council of free nations, — as I trust in God it will, — if, there, serfdom, and all unjust and oppressive social inequalities, are done away; and if they, as France and England have done, acknowledge our position, — then, in the great congress of nations, we will make our appeal, and present the cause of our enslaved and suffering race; and it cannot be that free, enlightened America will not then desire to wipe from her escutcheon that bar sinister which disgraces her among nations, and is as truly a curse to her as to the enslaved.
Enough purple prose already! Then this:
I want a country, a nation, of my own. I think that the African race has peculiarities, yet to be unfolded in the light of civilization and Christianity, which, if not the same with those of the Anglo-Saxon, may prove to be, morally, of even a higher type.
Still waiting on that one. . .
I trust that the development of Africa is to be essentially a Christian one. If not a dominant and commanding race, they are, at least, an affectionate, magnanimous, and forgiving one. Having been called in the furnace of injustice and oppression, they have need to bind closer to their hearts that sublime doctrine of love and forgiveness, through which alone they are to conquer, which it is to be their mission to spread over the continent of Africa.
There’s more ultra-Calvinist mush where that came from, but I’ll let it stand at this point. The last chapter, “Concluding Remarks,” carries on the filibuster in the author’s own voice. This includes overwrought attempts at generating white guilt, including the following:
Northern men, northern mothers, northern Christians, have something more to do than denounce their brethren at the South; they have to look to the evil among themselves. . . .
What do you owe to these poor unfortunates, oh Christians? Does not every American Christian owe to the African race some effort at reparation for the wrongs that the American nation has brought upon them? Shall the doors of churches and school-houses be shut upon them? Shall states arise and shake them out?
The colonization solution is still endorsed, but Stowe says that it’s our duty to educate blacks first. Apparently it wasn’t enough that they were uplifted from primitive tribal standards and taught contemporary trades:
That the providence of God has provided a refuge in Africa, is, indeed, a great and noticeable fact; but that is no reason why the church of Christ should throw off that responsibility to this outcast race which her profession demands of her.
To fill up Liberia with an ignorant, inexperienced, half-barbarized race, just escaped from the chains of slavery, would be only to prolong, for ages, the period of struggle and conflict which attends the inception of new enterprises. Let the church of the north receive these poor sufferers in the spirit of Christ; receive them to the educating advantages of Christian republican society and schools, until they have attained to somewhat of a moral and intellectual maturity, and then assist them in their passage to those shores, where they may put in practice the lessons they have learned in America.
Stowe began to back away from the colonization solution after the book was published, and ended up endorsing multiracialism instead.
Overall tone
Uncle Tom’s Cabin has three major settings: a kindly master, a so-so living situation, and finally the hellish lair of an evildoer. Already this shows more nuance than modern literature on the subject. Stowe could’ve written relentlessly withering propaganda from beginning to end, but incessant atrocity porn wouldn’t have been believable at that time. It was too well-known that Southerners typically were decent and genteel.
Stowe therefore had to make her case based on extreme circumstances and behavioral outliers. In her time, she was accused of misrepresenting the typical character of slavery and cherry-picking negative examples. The Simon Legree character remains a fictional trope for an exceptionally sadistic slave owner, even though it’s entirely possible that an actual person caught doing all that might have been paid a visit by concerned neighbors bringing 18 feet of rope. In our time, the Simon Legree type has become regarded as the only type of master there was. The literary seeds which Stowe planted resulted in a bumper crop of white guilt sprouting more abundantly than ever.
What actually was a “typical” experience of slavery? Field-hand work was considered the worst, so let’s take it as a reference point. Tending cotton bushes six days a week surely would’ve been dreary and boring, and an occupation that one couldn’t profit from or quit. Other than that, individual work conditions might have varied greatly, for better or for worse. It turns out that some masters were on much more cordial terms with their slaves than one might expect. Recordings of accounts by elderly freedmen reflect this more frequently than not. Most hadn’t personally received floggings or other cruelty. When outright brutality occurred, usually it was the fault of the overseer — often another black — rather than the master. In one case, the master fired the overseer on the spot after learning of an atrocity.
Things have changed. The slave novel genre had its day in the 1850s, but fell out of fashion when the Civil War erupted. Then there was a revival beginning in the 1960s. It’s hardly surprising that this irritation of century-old wounds coincided with the era’s increasing trends toward ethnomasochism and anti-white agitation. This time it was by cultural Marxism rather than its Protestant-flavored precursor of ultra-Calvinism. If Uncle Tom’s Cabin was 80-proof white guilt propaganda, then this newer stuff is like 150-proof bug juice.
The antebellum experience of slavery had passed out of living memory by the 1960s. Unlike in Stowe’s day, the authors could say nearly anything about it without fear of contradiction. This is why Alex Haley’s novel Roots — partially lifted from an earlier work, and otherwise not as true to life as advertised — was endless atrocity porn, and so was the hit TV miniseries adapted from it. In today’s popular imagination, every master was a Simon Legree, though such loathsome types were outliers back in the day and despised by whites as well.
Genuine cruelty did occur during slavery, and is a blot on history. However, the way it has been depicted recently makes things out to be much worse than they actually were. (Who is doing the depicting, and why, is another story.) They can get away with grotesquely stretching the truth, because nobody is around to say from direct experience that actual conditions weren’t like that on average. It seems that many blacks are now traumatized by overstretched narratives about the sufferings of their distant ancestors in the same way that Jewish paranoia is fueled by believing their own exaggerations regarding their own historical persecutions.
Could there have been a better way?
I’ll admit that the more sensible varieties of Leftists do have a point when they say that capitalism — as it’s practiced presently — is for the birds. However, the correct answer doesn’t involve staging yet another Bolshevik revolution, letting loose another Leon “General Buttnaked” Trotsky, setting up a new gulag system, and bringing back toilet paper rationing. The Marxist answers have turned out to be worse. Likewise, the slavery problem was solved in nearly the worst way possible, short of the sort of Haitian-style revolution that John Brown wanted. Was there a better alternative?
I cannot forget that time long ago when I was reading about the author’s charmed youth, during which she apparently spent much time in such maidenly pursuits as picking blueberries and contemplating theology. Then a sense of horror crept over me as I remembered the ghastliness to come: 624,000 KIAs (counting both sides), with untold others returning with missing limbs and morphine addictions, scenes of carnage etched into their souls, and other forms of life-changing harm. That wasn’t the end of it, since the Radical Reconstruction’s reign of terror would follow.
Most of the Civil War’s casualties were white. They bore the brunt of hazardous duty, while enlisted blacks were usually teamsters or in other pogue roles. Given that about three million slaves were emancipated, this meant that approximately one white man was sacrificed for every five blacks freed. (And they say we never did anything for them. . .) Was there a better way? Could slavery have ended peacefully?
Harriet Beecher Stowe wasn’t a murderous monster like John Brown. However, there were times she was wrongheaded and quite naïve. Uncle Tom’s Cabin didn’t agitate for war — but war came, anyway. Of course, this was hardly the first or last time in history that stated intentions of love, kindness, and helping others went seriously awry and turned into a bloodbath. I don’t intend to get all Karl Popper here, but I have to wonder: If this influential book that galvanized Northern opinion had delivered its message differently, could disaster have been averted?
From another angle, if both sides had realized that war would leave the South in ruins, the North deeply in hock to the banksters, and every family mourning the loss of its young men, could they instead have negotiated an agreement to pay off the slave owners and also step up resettlement efforts in Liberia? Even if not, slavery sooner or later would’ve had an expiration date. Already the South was being held back, since they hadn’t made comparable investments in manufacturing as the North, which was one reason for the war’s outcome. One day of exploitation is a day too many, of course, but mass slaughter was a hell of an alternative.
If peace had prevailed, slavery likely would’ve fizzled out on its own accord within a few decades, left in the dust by factory production and agricultural mechanization. Perhaps the Industrial Revolution would’ve blossomed faster, if there hadn’t been enormous losses of life and treasure. What marvels of engineering could’ve come from the minds of so many fine young men, if they hadn’t been killed on the front lines? For one thing, could Southern shipyards have produced a fleet of steam-powered ocean liners to repatriate the freedmen to their ancestral homeland? With many more returnees, would the once-promising country of Liberia have fared better?
It is difficult to say. However, it’s certain that the slavery problem — and the race problem attending it — could’ve been defused if prior generations had heeded Thomas Jefferson’s warnings, urging gradual abolition by peaceful means and resettlement of former slaves. “When freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.” Although quite an ambitious undertaking, the logistics would have been easier than before and offered a solution to centuries of failed efforts at multiracialism.
A better outcome, but still a half-measure
Again, ideas matter and can have far-reaching effects. Pirated American novels turned a brisk trade in Europe. Uncle Tom’s Cabin even became a blockbuster hit in Romania. This inspired them to realize that their enslavement of the gypsies was wrong. They emancipated them without setting off a bloodbath. Way to go, Romania! What a proof of concept!
We can therefore credit Harriet Beecher Stowe with indirectly doing the gypsies a favor, but there was still a missed opportunity. Romania didn’t get around to returning them to their homeland in India, where they could have been with their kindred people and a somewhat related culture. It’s a subject worthy of a longer discussion, but the gypsies of Eastern Europe aren’t fitting in, most don’t have their act together, and no amount of browbeating about discrimination is going to fix this. But it’s not too late to set things right and repatriate them to the land of their ancestors.
* * *
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Note
[1] Harriet Beecher Stowe, Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Boston: John P. Jewett & Co., 1852).
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16 comments
It’s unfortunate that this essay, while it makes some good points, begins by accepting the assumptions propagated by the liberal view of the antebellum South. “The earliest plantation owners, who couldn’t be bothered to pick their own cotton, were much like today’s globalists. They were exploiters who put their wealth ahead of their race’s well-being.” This is a common liberal trope, that the plantation owners were simply too lazy to do the work themselves and that they were greedy. As someone who is descended from Virginia plantation owners, the families who owned those plantations worked hard alongside their slaves; they didn’t bring them in so that they wouldn’t have to do any. The fact is that there wasn’t enough white labor in America (it’s important to remember that the North had slavery as well, even if they ended it earlier) to do all the work that was needed to transform America from a colonial backwater into a great power, so they resorted to the same solution that every other great power in history around the world and throughout history has fallen back on: slavery. The fact is that, before the advent of mass automation, there was no way that America could have made the strides that it did without slave labor. Thus, if you accept the legacy of the US as it’s been bequeathed to us, you’re in part accepting that slavery was a necessary evil — in that, BLM and their ilk are right, even if their response to it is wrong. Applying modern standards of morality to events in the distant past is never a wise idea, and especially so here. For that matter, China’s economic might today is built on slavery, even if they don’t call it by that name, and I very much doubt that many Counter-Currents readers are going to toss out their laptops, cell phones, clothing, and other “made in China” items in their households on the grounds that slavery is an inherently evil institution. Such rhetoric is just parroting liberal propaganda.
As for Romania’s freeing of the gypsies, it wasn’t done because Romanians suddenly had a revelation that what they were doing was wrong, but because Romania’s ethnomasochistic elites wanted to emulate the ideals of the French and American revolutions. Mihai Eminescu, Romania’s national poet — who also happened to be a champion of the Old South — wrote about this explicitly already in the 1860s. It certainly hasn’t had a good impact on Romania, and believing that India would ever take them back is a pipe dream.
Yes, slavery in the US was a brutal institution and should be acknowledged as such, but the alternative to it would have been for America to have been much less than it ended up being — for blacks as well as whites. Its consequences since the Civil War have been negative, but as they say, hindsight is always 20/20, and we can hardly blame the slaveowners for what egalitarian ideologies have made of the slaves’ descendants in the years since the institution was ended by force — and for motives that only had peripherally to do with abolitionism, but that’s another subject.
I don’t think that enslaving blacks really was that beneficial to the USA’s development. In the end, it turned out to be a hindrance.
Blacks were never more than 20% of the population. Whites were working all throughout too, something that escapes all those folks at the 1619 Project who thinks blacks built the entire country. The North had very few blacks, but managed to out-develop the South by the time the 1860s came around. In the South, the slaves weren’t putting in too much infrastructure; instead, their surplus labor made a relative few plantation owners able to live like barons. What happened to the plantations? For the most part, they got plundered and burnt during the Civil War, which means most of the wealth accumulated during slavery went up in smoke.
Since then, welfare has been an informal reparations effort, as well as Affirmative Action. Since the 1960s, these grifts have transferred trillions of dollars from whites to blacks, with no end in sight. Then there have been all the problems caused from street crime, rioting, and urban blight. Even just from a cost-benefit analysis, we should’ve picked our own cotton.
As someone who is descended from Virginia plantation owners, the families who owned those plantations worked hard alongside their slaves
You are right about masters working alongside slaves in Virginia, but those would have been tobacco plantations, no? Tobacco plantations are said to have been the least onerous to work on. Picking cotton was much tougher work.
However, the real killing fields were the sugar plantations. Conditions for slaves in the British West Indies were far worse than those for slaves in the USA.
On which: It’s been claimed (by Friedrich Engels, maybe?) that the life expectancy of a black plantation slave in America was significantly longer than that of a contemporary factory laborer in an English northern town.
“the extremes on both sides were wrong”
Yes, this is an important point, and many historians used to emphasize how those extremists on both sides fanned the flames which resulted in all-out war. Southern Fire-Eaters and others would accept no limitations on slavery, and along with the radical abolitionists they created a climate in which compromise was ultimately impossible.
Some in the South made great efforts to attribute positive characteristics to slavery, whereas in the earlier 19th century many Southerners were hoping it would die out, as you described. Anti-slavery societies were even active for a while in the South in those earlier years. But a powerful oligarchy based on the slave economy grew in power. Poorer whites often were frustrated by this oligarchy.
The Southern siege mentality that you mentioned is understandable, but so are the frustrations of northerners and southerners who saw the multiple problems with slavery, and the unyielding nature of some of its defenders.
Well into 1861, men on both sides were hoping to come to a peaceful solution, but they were drowned out.
“Ultra-Calvinist”
You keep using that word. I do not think it means what you think it means.
This is in a rather narrow technical sense, politicized Protestantism in which the religion ultimately got washed out to next to nothing:
https://www.unqualified-reservations.org/2007/06/ultracalvinist-hypothesis-in/
Oh yes it does !! The worst lying hypocrites of all!
However, i have one problem with MENCIUS MOLDBUG, he is all in for global monarchy, aka global communism…
I’ll make my stand alongside the likes of Stonewall Jackson.
U support the global monarchists waging 4th and 5th generation warfare on the several Republic’s of Dixie and Yankeedom?
“When a former indentured servant from Angola successfully sued to keep his African indentured servant permanently, it created a precedent and gave slavery a racial character.”
For context, this former indentured was a black named Anthony Johnson who was among the first negroes who arrived in North America in 1619. Angola was the name of the plantation he owned, not the place in Africa. Ironically, the person who defended Johnson’s African servant in court was a white planter who believed that servant had served his allotted time with Johnson and deserved to be free.
There was no How to book on plantation management in the mid 19th Century, nor was there a Dept of Agriculture or the Cornell Cooperative extension to give advice on the care and feeding of slaves—so we can probably say plantation conditions varied widely. Another fact that has to be considered is that slaves were very expensive, not easy to replace, and had to be insured by New York Firms; it would be like buying a Lincoln Navigator today. In view of the slaves’ value I find it difficult to believe in widespread neglect or deliberate harm.
Years ago I tried to get an understanding of chattel slavery by reading ‘The Peculiar Institution’ as well as by talking to descendants of slave holders, but I really didn’t get much of an understanding until I read the WPA Slave Narratives at NARA. My takeaway from these texts: Conditions varied; some ex slaves missed slavery and ol’ massa’; there was never a problem with food–plenty to eat; slaves wanted to escape, and private security had to be hired to police the plantations—these were known as ‘Patrollers’–the Negroes called them pattyrollers.
All that being said, these slaves did not make America great. They didn’t build, settle or defend anything. They were mainly agricultural workers, some few were maids, cooks, and butlers, and some tiny proportion did other things. Surely all they did of note was make the cotton planters rich.
Lurid plantation horror stories regularly exercise the African diaspora into paroxysms of righteous fury against their white oppressors. Yet the contemporary horrors of Africa itself, the fetish-brides, hand-choppers and child slaves scarcely register. Nor does the white man’s helping hand in sustaining the population of Africa above its historical subsistence level by means of agricultural and medical technology garner the faintest gratitude. The one area where Africans may be said to possess an outstanding positive natural talent — music — has also greatly prospered under cross-fertilisation with Western harmony, notation and instruments.
With Afrocentrism and Negrolatry rampant in Academia, not to mention Corporate HR, to rehearse these plain facts in public is to invite reaction ranging from dismissal (from one’s post) to a stay in hospital. Failure to sufficiently esteem the noxious infantile Black ‘culture’ of the US and urban parts of Western Europe can only result in further rounds of aggrieved sulking or vengeful disorder. When fundamental elements of the social contract such as paying for goods, attending school or showing up for work are interrogated or even set in abeyance in deference to Black ‘equity’ we have to ask whether a peaceful multiracial dispensation is now beyond reach.
I read Uncle Tom’s Cabin, and don’t think it’s quite the monstrosity of fiction as the author gives it to be. It has some salient points, does try to advocate a moral change in people. Also I noted how in the book, the northerners tended to dislike blacks more than the southerners did. Tom can be seen as a simple or a morally impossible sketch of a character, but again, Stowe is interested in changing people’s moral view, but she’s not totally didactic. Her style is a kind of shadow of Dickens. Tom also keeps the moral high ground. If it’s a bit hard for a modern reader to stomach, well, so is Christianity.
It’s notable today that, as one critic said, blacks today don’t want Uncle Tom’s Cabin. They want Spartacus, invoking some kind of black militancy and warfare against the South that simply didn’t exist. (consider the absurd Tarantino film Django…a kind of minstrel show with guns) Aside from Nat Turner’s insanity, the one leader who did attempt an armed insurrection was John Brown. Oops. Also noted is that in his muddled revolt, one of the first people killed was a free black citizen of Harper’s Ferry, but refer to my review of Santa Fe Trail.
In Edmund Wilson’s Patriotic Gore, a detailed portrait of Stowe is brought out, especially her religious background and frankly neurotic tendencies. Also, the death of her child influenced her writing, and she essentially became abolitionist because slave families were broken up. Taking children away from their mothers tugged at her, and many abolitionist heartstrings. She is indeed a Calvinist, but also frames Uncle Tom’s Cabin as a national argument, in that abolition and a greater American nationalism went together. This would lead to nation building much as all of Europe was experiencing, which explained a lot of European emotional support for Lincoln.
Gore Vidal made the point that Lincoln and Bismarck took localized peoples and wielded them into empires.
Paul Johnson, in his History of the American People, argued fanatics on both sides inflamed issues into a war. he said the blame lies in South Carolina and Massachusetts.
Ironically, despite our views of slavery as being antiquated and outdated, the slavery system of the later cotton republics were influenced by the industrial revolution, where cotton was made cheap, easier to harvest, and cotton clothing was a commodity in great demand, and was a very desirable and favorable improvement over linen. To ignore the practical needs of this item and just talk in moral or political terms is short-sighted.
The South was very hostile to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, and one reason was by the 1850’s, the south had to openly defend slavery in a way they weren’t used to and, deep down, knew they couldn’t. Slavery simply couldn’t unite a new nation like the Confederacy, and it was an economic force. You don’t die for economics. At least openly, which led to men dying to save ‘The Union’ or ‘The South.’
Much like, eighty years later, men died to defend ‘democracy’ and ‘our way of life’ instead of global markets and economic domination of the banking system over Nazi Germany’s barter system. Who the hell dies for a banker?
The Disney cartoon shows how Beecher’s thoughtful, serious book had, by century’s end, become a one dimensional ‘mellerdrama’; much like all the great causes of the Republican Party as expressed through Lincoln became, in the end, supporting a lot of plutocratic front men like Chester Alan Arthur.
Very interesting review!
I don’t know if the Lincoln statement is apocryphal or not. It’s something he might have said. He was a masterful statesman and politician. Regardless, I wouldn’t lay the primary responsibility for the war at Stowe’s feet. (I suspect you wouldn’t, either.)
Therefore, I cannot endorse philo-Semitic preacher Thomas Dixon’s statement. Dixon condemned the second KKK that was explicitly racialist in the early 20th century–the one inspired by Griffith’s movie and Dixon’s own book. I read The Clansman (the basis for The Birth of a Nation) when I was very young and found it thrilling.
For quite some time now I’ve completely skipped contemporary academic and Jewish books like the one Jared Taylor recently reviewed about Thaddeus Stevens (a real knave, despite some unexpected positive beliefs I already knew about–he’d been a member of both the Anti-Masonic Party and the American Party [the “Know Nothings“]) and gone straight to white American sources written before the era of culture distortion, or at least very early in it.
How else can I obtain unmediated insight into white psychology “in the wild”? What did they do right? What did they get wrong?
Most whites, North and South, did not endorse the extremes, at least before the respective bandwagons carried them away. There were “Copperheads” and just plain Northern Democrats in the North, and Unionist and anti-slavery Southerners.
One book I read on this subject is historian Mary Scrugham’s The Peaceable Americans of 1860-1861: A Study in Public Opinion (New York: Columbia University Press 1921).
It is easy to understand why James Buchanan and Andrew Johnson are so hated by today’s elites. Neither man deserves that.
I read Buchanan’s memoir Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on the Eve of Rebellion (1866) to gain direct insight into his thinking, rather than obtain a muddled version via some contemporary anti-white polemicist or mediator.
Andrew Johnson, facing even greater pressures, was one of America’s most principled and moral presidents. What he entirely lacked (as virtually everyone does) is Lincoln’s masterful statesmanship qualities. Nevertheless, his hot Scots Irish temper and fundamental integrity gave him the strength to stand against the evil Radical Reconstructionists.
Finally, I have not read Uncle Tom’s Cabin (a racialist friend who did surprised me by saying it is a very good novel) and am not an expert on Stowe. I’d have to look into the matter to develop an informed opinion.
However, I did read somewhere that she turned against Reconstruction after the war.
Finally, I was surprised that you did not mention or assess the fact that she made her ultra-villain a Yankee, something most people do not know. I didn’t know it until I read Yankee author Stewart Holbrook, who did notice it, say while upbraiding 1940s Jewish Hollywood: “Uncle Tom’s Cabin is not to be shown on the screen because it reminds that Negroes once were slaves — and not because of its cruel Simon Legree, born a Yankee.”
So difficult to make general arguments about the nature of racial slavery and sectionalism in the Antebellum period, because slavery was often less an “institutional” system in the standardized-bureaucratic way we understand it today (i.e. take a number and stand in line), and much more of a personal system. As some commentators have mentioned, most slave-owners were not wealthy planters living on the Chesapeake. Elizabeth Fox-Genovese (an academic historian who went from a Leftist to Rightest perspective during her career) wrote The Mind of the Master Class, a book that sought to illuminate and understand the slave-owning position on the eve of war. The study wasn’t an apology for black slavery, but it went well beyond the easy student answer: “well, slave-owning southerners were hypocrites and a self-interested class who used ideology as a naked attempt to defend the indefensible.” After reading her book, readers will see that easy answers don’t exist — they didn’t exist for either North or South in 1861, nor do they exist for us when we continue today to pore over the beliefs and actions of others 160+ years ago. We see the regrettable results of these thorny problems every day.
Genovese (like her husband) always argued that the Old South, because it was based on labor tied to the land, was — in the classic Marxist sense — a pre-capitalist society. That’s also debatable. Labor and economics will probably always have an element of exploitation involved. The South, however, was neither some antiquated feudal system, nor was it a modern capitalist/industrialist society. Many have argued that they were a balanced “middle course” somewhere between the two (or an altogether unique arrangement). Like earlier medieval-agrarian systems, they had a sense of paternalistic reciprocity toward their slaves, as well as toward their poorer white neighbors. The latter relationship was often, admittedly, strained for obvious reasons. And like the industrial economies of the North and Europe, they participated in a lively nineteenth-century marketplace.
But what is clear is that southerners were very religious people, and their outlook and defense of slavery (and racial slavery at that) was predicated on their understanding of Christian Protestantism, just as Stowe’s objections arose from a very New England version of mid-century Protestantism (which became virtually synonymous with and then eclipsed by “social reform” during the Gilded Age). The sectional crisis could easily be seen as a kind of religious dispute and the Antebellum era as the last time Christianity played such a central role in mediating socio-economics nationwide. John Brown, of course, was also driven by religiously-fueled extremism. Was the War a “holy war?” That’s going too far, perhaps, but these were the children of the Great Awakening. In this sense, the Genoveses might be right about an older order that held sway before Reconstruction — in both sections of the country.
And no, neither fire-eaters nor abolitionists were in the majority (only some northerners openly supported John Brown, and most were repulsed by him) and secessionist referendums were often extremely fraught affairs. But when the motions passed, the “reluctants” signed on, because even if they did not wish to take such drastic measures, they knew that the country was fast moving in a direction they didn’t like — John Brown’s Raid and Lincoln’s stunning election was proof enough of that. In the end, they decided that Faith and Honor demanded blood. I think we can all agree that the Negro wasn’t worth it.
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