Goodbye, Mr. Trump

2,919 words

What should the white identitarian agenda be in the post-Trump era?

1. The Moral Case for White Identity Politics

Trump faced many enemies, including the Democrats, the Republicans, the “deep state,” the far Left, Black Lives Matter, and the mainstream media. But the greatest impediment to Making America Great Again is the idea that identity politics is good for every group except white people, the people who made America great in the first place.

White identity politics is condemned as “racism,” which is the worst thing in the world, but only if practiced by white people for their own benefit. Racism is fine if practiced by non-whites. It is even fine if practiced by whites for the benefit of non-whites.

This dogma is the barrier between white identity politics and the entire political mainstream. It bars white identitarians from polite society and political power. Trump himself was hamstrung by accepting this dogma, and it became increasingly dominant over the four years of his presidency. Trump’s dumbest and most undignified decisions — criminal justice reform, the ludicrous Platinum Plan, championing criminal rappers like ASAP Rocky, Lil Wayne, and Kodak Black — were rather expensive premiums for insurance against the charge of “racism.”

Tearing down this false moral imperative must be the top priority for white identitarians in the post-Trump era.

Large numbers of white Americans ^[2] have positive racial identities, believe that whites are systematically discriminated against by the current system, and believe that whites should organize politically to secure our interests. But nobody in the political establishment will represent these people because of the dogma that identity politics is bad only when white people benefit from it. Once we destroy that dogma, the floodwaters of white identity politics will wash away our entire rotten establishment.

We must also criticize the dominant Right-wing critique and evasion of white identity politics, namely the “colorblind” civic nationalism that unites the mainstream Right from country-club Republicans to QAnon believers and militia groups.

For instance, why not just take the Tucker Carlson approach of pleading with non-whites to stop practicing identity politics and just be “Americans”? The simple answer is that they won’t. When you are armed with a knife and your enemies are armed with guns, how likely are they to throw down their guns and fight “fair,” even if you ask them really nicely?

The only answer to anti-white identity politics is pro-white identity politics. We must take a gun to a gunfight. Thus we need to argue that white identity politics is not just moral ^[3] but also necessary ^[4], because if we don’t adopt it, we will be destroyed. And because white identity politics is both moral and necessary, it is also inevitable ^[4].

2. Race Realism

Our second most urgent priority is to promote the widespread acceptance of the reality of biological differences between the races. The opposite of race realism is the dogma that race is a “social construct ^[7].” People advocate social constructivism because if race differences are biological, they can only be altered biologically, whereas if they are socially constructed, they can be changed through social policy.

Why must we defend race realism? Because our enemies assume that the races are equal, thus when different races — most prominently blacks — fail spectacularly to flourish in America, the problem must be with the American people and social system, specifically with white people, who created America. The alleged cause of black failure is white “racism.” Racism means institutional discrimination as well as the prejudice and ill will of individuals.

Because blacks continue to fail even after anti-black discrimination has been replaced by pro-black discrimination, more “occult” forms of racism have been hypothesized, such as “systemic racism,” the eradication of which requires ever more radical forms of social engineering.

Whites, however, seem to be quite incompetent at erecting systems of “white supremacy” and “white privilege,” given that visible non-white groups like East and South Asians now outperform whites in terms of education, income, and law-abidingness — the very areas in which blacks lag far behind.

The best explanation for why some non-whites flourish and others fail under our “system of white supremacy” is the existence of biological race differences. Differences in intelligence and sociopathic personality traits between the races, which are largely biological, predict virtually all differences in performance, regardless of systemic discrimination and personal prejudices.

The assault on “white racism,” “white privilege,” and “white supremacism” will only intensify in the post-Trump era, so we must intensify our efforts to counter it. Race realism is a stake through the heart of this poisonous ideology, and we must drive it home.

3. Anti-Violence

The Biden regime was installed after a stolen election in a Potemkin inaugural guarded by tens of thousands of troops who were vetted for political loyalty. That’s because the American establishment is terrified of the American people. The Biden regime and its hysterical cheerleaders in Congress and the media want to treat seventy-plus million white Trump supporters as potential domestic terrorists.

This is a terrible mistake. It is false, it is unjust, and it will further alienate and radicalize the half of the electorate that owns probably 85% of the firearms in the country.

There will be blood. There will probably be more senseless shooting sprees targeting innocent civilians at places of worship. But now that the establishment is cracking down on Antifa as well, politicians, journalists, and tech oligarchs may well start dying too.

Whatever happens, white identitarians need to stay out of it.

The enemy controls all the leading institutions of our society. They control all the instruments of coercion, including the military, the police, even the dog catchers. They can literally create all the money they need out of thin air. The only things they lack are truth and justice. Their policies are premised on falsehoods and moral outrages and lead to disastrous consequences, which they then lie about, cover up, and blame on others, often the victims.

By contrast, we control only a few beleaguered outposts on the internet. We have no armies. We have almost no money. Our only advantages over our enemies are truth, justice, and the credibility that comes from standing up for them. We are the only ones offering a workable alternative to the catastrophic consequences of multiculturalism and globalization.

Given such a correlation of forces, only a fool would choose to take up arms, since we can’t win that way. And only a damned fool would throw away our moral advantage by targeting innocents.

Since our movement’s primary way of changing the world is through speaking the truth fearlessly, preserving our freedom of speech is absolutely paramount. Right-wing violence leads to the erosion of freedom of speech in two ways. First, it causes moral panics that lead to deplatforming by private companies. Second, it provides pretexts for further state erosion of the first amendment’s protection of free speech.

Right-wing violence does not weaken the system. It strengthens it. This is why the system goes out of its way to manufacture Right-wing violence, which is why we should treat everyone who talks about violence as an enemy agent provocateur.

The Biden regime will intensify the causes of Right-wing violence: diversity, white dispossession, censorship, repression, and outright entrapment. Thus we must intensify our attempts to warn our people away from violence.

4. Remember the Four Ds

In the book National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy ^[10], Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin argue that the rise of national-populist figures like Donald Trump are caused by long-term social trends that they call the “four Ds”: distrust of the establishment by the people, destruction of white societies by multiculturalism and immigration, deprivation caused by economic globalization, and dealignment of voters from the center-Left and center-Right parties that dominated the post-war era.

We can contribute to the national-populist ferment by raising awareness of the destruction and deprivation caused by multiculturalism and globalization, thereby promoting distrust of the establishment and dealignment with its political parties.

5. Building Alternative Platforms

The first four items in this list have something in common: They are ideas that everyone reading this can help spread to one extent or another. Another important priority requires specialized talents that only few people have: building alternative platforms.

Trump had four years to tackle big tech censorship, deplatforming, and election meddling with legislation,  regulation, and the presidential bully pulpit. For two of those years, he had a Republican congress. He never took the problem seriously until it was too late. This is Trump’s greatest failure. All we need is free speech. We’ll take care of the rest. I have no doubt that we can win every fair public debate. That’s why our enemies want to shut us down.

Biden owes his presidency in part to big tech’s abuses of power. Thus there is no hope of a legislative solution under his watch. This means that dissidents are on our own. We really are going to have to build our own YouTube, build our own Twitter, build our own Facebook, build our own banks, etc. The fate of Parler shows how difficult it will be. But it is good practice for building our own country in the end.

There are, of course, many other things that people can do to genuinely advance our cause.

For instance, it would be useful to have a think tank to study social trends and craft nationalist policies. It would also be useful to have our own public interest law firm to protect our rights and attack our enemies through lawfare. But we don’t yet have the money and the personnel for such institutions.

6. Connecting with Our Constituency

Once we clarify our message and priorities, we then have to find our audience and connect with them in order to convert them to our way of thinking.

Our movement is small, poor, and constantly harried by our enemies. Thus we have to make our efforts count. What segment of the electorate is most likely to be receptive to white identity politics: Trump voters or Biden voters? Obviously, Trump voters. They are our natural constituency. How, then, can we connect with Trump voters in order to lead them toward the truth?

First, it helps if one supported Trump’s candidacy rather than sitting on the sidelines or voting to hand the country to Joe Biden, so he can treat Trump supporters as domestic terrorists and kick the Great Replacement into overdrive.

Second, it helps to give Trump just credit for his virtues and accomplishments. We can’t lose sight of the fact that Trump is fervently admired by tens of millions, and with some justification. Beyond that, the people who fervently hate Trump don’t hate him for his flaws and failings. They hate him for his virtues. They hate him because he stands for whiteness. In short, they hate him because they hate us. If you sound like these people, very few Trump voters will take you seriously, even if you have legitimate grievances.

Trump has a long enough list of flaws and failings. One does not need to embroider it. Thus it is very foolish to dip a broad brush in pure bile and pen embittered diatribes that make Rachel Maddow seem sober by comparison. The lying press has been doing this for five years now, and it has not destroyed Trump’s credibility. It has simply destroyed the press’s credibility. There’s a lesson in that.

Pouring unjust scorn on Trump looks like an attempt to cozy up with the enemies of the people. How do you expect the people to take you seriously?

Third, stop repeating establishment lies about the election. As much as I would like to say that Trump lost because he ran a conventional Republican campaign, pandering to every interest group except whites, it simply isn’t true. Trump won the last election.

It upsets me that Trump campaigned and won as a Republican not a populist, because that will simply encourage Republicans to continue ignoring the predictable consequences of white demographic decline, namely, the doom of their party. But it does prove my contention that Trump could have won in 2016 on a conventional Republican platform, because that’s exactly how he won in 2020.

Trump voters have just seen their votes negated by massive and systematic fraud. The founders, of course, put provisions in place to prevent fraudulent votes from counting. For these safeguards to work, Trump only needed hundreds of Republicans on the state and federal level to have the courage and integrity to follow the law. In short, he didn’t have a chance.

Trump was denied his rightful place in the White House by Democratic fraud and Republican collusion. The lion was brought down by a swarm of jackals, hyenas, and rats. It has never been clearer that the two-party system is a sham. There is a single political establishment that makes an art of never giving the people what they want. This is a wonderful lesson for populists to drive home. But we can’t teach it by repeating establishment lies, namely that the election was honest and the attempts to stop the steal were a fraud.

When it became clear that the fix was in on January 6th, a few dozen of the thousands of pro-Trump marchers broke onto the Capitol building, causing a panicked evacuation of the congress. Other protestors were apparently ushered in by the police. Most of the people who entered the building were Trump supporters. But there was at least one Antifa agitator as well. Some came to protest. Some came to commit crimes. Some got caught up in the moment. Some surely thought they were being invited on a free tour of the Capitol. One young woman, Ashli Babbitt, a QAnon supporter, was shot and killed by a police officer, even though she obviously posed no threat. Many of the protestors merely sauntered around the Capitol taking selfies, then dispersed on their own.

The events at the Capitol have been called a “riot,” a “siege,” and an “insurrection.” In most cases, it was simply unauthorized tourism, and in some cases it seemed fully authorized. In truth, it was a “mostly peaceful protest,” but the lying press has turned that phrase into a euphemism for genuine riots and insurrections. We don’t need to endorse illegal activities or bad optics to say that we understand these people’s frustration.

Beyond that, the establishment’s reaction is absurdly exaggerated. A few of the marchers committed serious crimes, so punish them. But the rest deserve the utmost leniency because patriotic protest and civil disobedience are parts of every healthy democracy. Leniency, however, is reserved only for Left-wing protesters who break into the Capitol, as well as black and antifa mobs. The Capitol protestors are being railroaded by a hysterical establishment, in which Democrats and Republicans have again closed ranks. It is a wonderful lesson for newly receptive normies. But they aren’t going to listen to people who are cheerleading the betrayal and martyrdom of the protestors.

Trump has also been impeached a second time on the bogus charge of inciting the “insurrection” by Democrats and Republicans voting together. If he is convicted and barred from seeking office again, it will only happen because of Republican collusion as well.

Convicting Trump and barring him from seeking office would be a gross injustice. It would also be a serious political blunder from which we can profit. First, it would further underscore the fact that we are governed by a political cartel. Second, it would permanently sour many Trump supporters on the Republican Party, which needs to be thoroughly purged by populists or simply replaced by something new. Third, it would clear the way for more articulate, cunning, and decisive populist leaders to emerge.

Goodbye, Mr. Trump. I hate to see it end this way. But you will be vindicated. You will be avenged. You started something. You gave voice to the millions of Americans victimized by globalization, open borders, and military adventurism. You got the Left to drop the mask of sanity and civility. You exposed the dishonesty of the press. You showed us that the Republicans are a false opposition. You forced the deep state to slither out of the shadows. You showed the world that the people do not rule America.

Instead, we are ruled by a corrupt and decadent elite that hates us — and that hates you because you represented us. The people don’t rule if our votes don’t count. The vote counters rule. The people don’t rule if our voices are stifled. The censors rule. The laws do not rule if they can be applied selectively. The judges rule. But we’re awake now. We are not going to forget.

You unleashed populist forces that will not be satisfied until the globalists are swept from power and government of the people, by the people, for the people is restored. There’s no guarantee we will win. But if we win, historians looking back at the restoration of popular government in America will say that it began with Donald Trump.

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