Trotting the Colors of Global Capitalism in New ZealandKerry Bolton
On 28 October an annual ‘flag day’ was to be celebrated under the auspices of the New Zealand National Front. This has taken place every year since 2004, at the grounds of Parliament each year other than one. There is indeed an established ‘Flag Day’ but it seems that the NZNF is the only group that has been celebrating it.
NZ Flag Day was not conceived by the National Front, but by the NZ Flag Institute, which established 23 October as NZ Flag Day, at a time when the usual axis of Big Business and Leftards were calling for the dumping of the traditional flag.
23 October is the anniversary of the adoption of the NZ flag, and the NF seems to always have attempted to maintain that day, or thereabouts. The threat to change the traditional flag, most avidly advocated by ex-Merrill Lynch banker, the then Prime Minister John Key, and sundry business interests, who wanted a flag that would better reflect New Zealand as a ‘trade brand,’ was delivered a knock-out blow in a 2016 referendum.
The NZNF has probably always held the flag commemoration on Labour Weekend, coinciding with the anniversary, but this year that was not possible, so it was moved to 28 October. It so happens that this is also the day that has been marked to ‘celebrate the Maori Land Wars,’ with State funding. The designated day does not seem to have been declared until 17 October. I doubt that most New Zealanders had heard about it, let alone the event having influenced any decision by the NZNF to change the date of their flag day to antagonise celebrants of this just-announced Maori Land Wars day. But that is the pretext that was used by Leftards to confront the NZNF at parliament grounds, despite the Front having obtained a permit.
The extreme Left were galvanised by the violence directed not only at the Alt Right in the USA at Charlottesville, but by the wave of violence against Trump supporters. The same elements of the extreme Left, namely Anarchists and Trotskyites, with the backing of Establishment journalists, had rioted against the first NF Flag Day in 2004. Then they had managed to mobilise hundreds of ‘useful idiots’ behind a front called Multicultural Aotearoa.
This year, despite their appeals to Maori and immigrants, they were only able to mobilise, nationwide, at their own estimate, around 200, and this effort was described by them and their Establishment media allies as Wellingtonians having ‘chased the fascists out,’ although no video or photographic footage shows those with the NF doing anything other than strolling to Wellington railway station, albeit with a histrionic mob baying at their heels.
The violent intent was evident by the declared aim of forming a ‘blockade’ (sic) to prevent the celebrants from holding their event. The same organising elements had also ‘blockaded’ the ‘weapons expo,’ a forum organised by the New Zealand Defence Industry Association, in Wellington just a few weeks previously (10 October).
A factor of the ‘blockade’ against both the NZDIA forum and against the NZNF, is the ironically named Peace Action Wellington. For a ‘pacifist’ organisation this has a strange pedigree. It is an alliance of Anarchists and Trotskyite-Communists.
The primary spokesperson for PAW has long been Val Morse. She is an adherent of Anarchism. Her reaction to anyone she dislikes seems to be that of hysteria. Hysterical hyperesthesia has long been observed among the Left. An anarchist website provides aspects of NZ Anarchist history which mentions Morse and her bizarre ‘pacifist’ involvement as one of the ‘Urewera 17’ charged in 2007 under the Terrorism Act in regard to paramilitary training with Maori in the Urewera forest. Her ‘pacifist’ activity in regard to the riots against the NF in 2004 shows Morse at the head of a gutless mob, screeching in the ear of a bloodied NZNF member who had been separated from the main body and beaten by these cowards.
In 2007 Morse and other PAW supporters were arrested for disrupting an ANZAC Day commemoration of New Zealanders who died in wars, including it might be added, wars against communism, since the Antifa types like to cynically evoke the memory of those who fought in World War II when it suits them. So much for ‘anti-fascism.’
The organiser of the ‘blockade’ against the NF was Gayaal Iddamalgoda, a Sri Lankan immigrant who is a legal counsel for the FIRST Union, and a spokesman for Peace Action. He said of the event, attempting rationalise it in the name of ‘solidarity with Maori,’ according to a media report:
We are the ones that are promoting the truth, we don’t want them to be here, they can go home.’ Iddamalgoda said today’s demonstration was a “declaration of Maori solidarity.” “It’s very important to send this message to these fascists that they’re not welcome in public spaces. They are cowardly, they attempt to promote lies at the expense of the truth, so I think it’s very important that we send a very clear message that most people in this country and in the world oppose their disgusting message.
‘Most people’ were at 200, if that, Leftards from around the country. The claim that the NF are ‘cowardly’ is projection: a mob of 200 ‘blockading’ a handful of people does not represent any form of heroism or honour over ‘cowardice.’ The allegation that the ‘fascists’ ‘promote lies at the expense of truth’ is yet another projection. None of these alleged ‘lies,’ while often alluded to, are ever specified.
Mr Iddamalgoda is involved with the International Socialist Organisation, and the Trotskyite ‘Fightback’ group. The ISO is one of a myriad of ever-factionalising grouplets of Trotskyism. It was a primary organisational factor in the ‘blockade.’ Trotskyism perpetually factionalises in a way reminiscent of the scene from Monty Python’s Life of Brian, when the People’s Front of Judea is holding its AGM. The factionalism among Trotskyites is symptomatic of the narcissism and other sociopathic personality disorders of its leaders.
Trotskyism has never succeeded in attracting notable working-class support, even when Trotsky was alive. Trotskyites, using a tactic called ‘entryism,’ subverted the British Labour Party during the 1980s, and the Australian Labor Party. Under Jeremy Corbyn they have been re-joining British Labour. In New Zealand the Trotskyites attempted to subvert the Alliance Party, which has progressively self-destructed until a once-significant party has become a barely discernible fringe group. Meanwhile the Trotskyites moved from Labour party ‘entryism’ to Green ‘entryism.’ When the main body of Trotskyites in New Zealand, the Socialist Worker Organisation, imploded, they rebranded themselves as ‘Eco-Socialists,’ although Communism when in power has been notoriously neglectful of ecological issues, since the Communist dogma sees ‘the laws of production’ as determining human development without regard for ecological considerations.
Migrants and Refugee Rights Campaign
With the demise of the Socialist Worker group, the ISO remains at perhaps a hundred members the largest of the Trotskyite factions. The focus has been to appeal to alienated minorities, migrants, homosexuals, feminists, and to jump aboard the Maori bandwagon. Hence, the recently formed Migrants and Refugee Rights Campaign, led by Mr Iddamalgoda. It is under this guise that he stood in the 2017 general elections as an ‘Independent’ for Wellington Central, garnering 161 votes, placing him as 6th out of nine candidates. The Trotskyites endorsed Mr Iddamalgoda as representing their sole foray into the 2017 elections, ‘Fightback’ stating:
Fightback’s election activity: Migrant and Refugee Rights Campaign. Fightback did not endorse any political party in 2017, instead supporting the Migrant and Refugee Rights Campaign (MARRC) alongside other groups. . . . We are in discussions about how to carry the Migrant and Refugee Rights Campaign through to 2018. If you would like to be involved or updated, please email us at [email protected].’ MARRC ran an independent candidate in Wellington Central: Gayaal Iddamalgoda, a Legal Organiser for FIRST Union. Gayaal ran on the platform that “what’s best for migrants and refugees is best for everyone.”
Mr Iddamalgoda and the Trotskyites denounced sundry parties as ‘racist,’ including those on the Left. Labour’s election rhetoric became increasingly close to the populist New Zealand First Party, with an eye towards having to form a coalition with NZ First after the election, which they have done, with Green Party backing.
Those not hog-tied by Marxist dogma might give pause for thought as to why it was the National Party that refused to address immigration as a problem, and why it was business interests that insisted on maintaining immigration levels. Someone having a more analytical outlook than a Marxist might ask whether the ‘open borders’ demanded by both Mr Iddamalgoda and his Trotskyite (and Anarchist) allies, is an aspect of globalisation? They trot out the age-worn slogan that ‘racism’ and immigration restrictions are tactics to ‘divide the international working class.’ Hence, the Labour Party was condemned in the same manner as the ‘nazi National Front’:
And, more dangerously, Labour’s anti-immigrant rhetoric has helped racist forces. The anti-immigrant climate has emboldened racists to spew casual abuse at Asian people. Winston Peters and New Zealand First will be the gainers from Labour’s seeming endorsement of racist and nationalist politics. It is outrageous that the party identifying itself with labour should be stoking these anti-labour fires of working-class division. That’s why we say: Reject Racism! The Left must welcome immigrants. As part of our wider support for migrants and refugees, the ISO calls on voters in Wellington Central to support Gayaal Iddamalgoda, the candidate of the Migrant and Refugee Rights Coalition.
Immigration restriction was a primary demand of the Labour movement across the world before it was subverted by Marxists. Premier Richard Seddon, whose statue stands imposingly in front of Parliament House, fought for immigration restrictions in regard to Chinese, confronting both the British Foreign Office and merchant interests. Will Mr Iddamalgoda and his backers soon be demanding the demolition of the Seddon statue, again taking their inspiration from their ideological kin who ran amok in Charlottesville? Or is this a part of New Zealand history they claim does not exist?
The mine workers on the Rand in 1922 held aloft the slogan ‘White Workers of the World Unite for a White South Africa.’ The state’s bloody suppression of the revolt against mining interests brought a Labour-Nationalist coalition to government in the wake of popular outrage, and the establishment of apartheid laws to protect South Africans from the monopolists. On the other hand, it was monopoly interests headed up by the Oppenheimer empire that remained the enemies of Afrikaner identity until the victory of the ANC, which has embarked on a policy of globalisation and privatisation. Remember the hordes of Leftards around the world marching against ‘apartheid’? Their victory was a victory for globalisation and privatisation. Are Leftards forever content to be the pliant whores of international capital?
The Australian Labour Party had as its primary plank immigration restriction; ‘White Australia.’ Labour stalwarts such as W G Spence, Jack Lang, Chifley, and William Lane would today be regarded by the Trotskyites as ‘nazis.’
If not the Trotskyites, then perhaps the Anarchists could try to ponder the comments of their esteemed Professor Noam Chomsky:
Capitalism basically wants people to be interchangeable cogs, and differences among them, such as on the basis of race, usually are not functional. … So therefore identifications based on race interfere with the basic ideal that people should be available just as consumers and producers, interchangeable cogs who will purchase all the junk that’s produced – that’s their ultimate function, and any other properties they might have are kind of irrelevant, and usually a nuisance.
If we apply some consistency to the clichés of Mr Iddamalgoda, and recently elected Green Members of Parliament, Ms Golriz Ghahraman, and Marama Davidson, speaking at the ‘blockade,’ then presumably they regard Professor Chomsky as a ‘Nazi,’ ‘fascist,’ and in the ungracious words of Mr Iddamalgoda as ‘a bit stupid.’ Indeed, the Trotskyites have compared some Leftist luminaries as akin to the National Front for speaking out on Chinese influences. Colonialism seems only objectionable when it is ‘white.’ Opposition to Chinese colonialism would be ‘racist.’ Likewise, ‘indigenous rights’ are supposedly a Trotskyite issue; everyone from the Mapuche of Chile to the Ainu of Japan; except indigenous whites, such as Britons, who become ‘nazis’ if they demand their ‘indigenous rights.’
Migrant Cannon Fodder
One might look at the Trotskyite and Anarchist demands for ‘open orders’ as a cynical attempt to manipulate migrants as cannon fodder, because of the spectacular failure of the Left to mobilise the working class. With any form of national tradition being inherently anathema to the Left, the International Socialist Organisation condemning ANZAC Day as ‘a carnival of nationalist reaction,’ the prospect of recruiting migrants without roots in New Zealand is one of the few options for the Left to increase its ranks. The ISO statement of principles declares, ‘We oppose all immigration controls.’ In the same breath it mentions supporting ‘national liberation struggles.’ How there can be a ‘national liberation struggle’ without any ‘national’ basis is presumably something that can only be resolved as a dialectical contradiction.
In the name of world revolution against capitalism, the Trotskyites, and their Anarchist allies demand ‘open borders,’ as does international capitalism. It is globalisation, whether undertaken in the name of capitalism or socialism. It arrives at the same place: a nebulous mass of drones without bonds or roots other than to an economic system. As Oswald Spengler observed nearly a century ago, the Left only operates in the direction demanded by ‘money.’
Pseudo-Green, Without Roots
The capitalist seeks to exploit migrant workers as factory fodder; the socialist seeks to manipulate migrant workers as rootless proletarians. It seems that only the Right seeks a separation that avoids such exploitation, and maintains ethnicities as organic communities. Moreover, it must be asked how the Left, based on dialectical materialism, which regards culture as a reflection of the laws of production, can have any respect for ethnic cultures, or ethnic religions, whether Islamic, Buddhist, Christian, Hindu…? Trotsky regarded religion as the outcome of man’s ‘dependence on nature.’ As stated, Marxism regards the laws of social production as the means by which ecology is overcome. Indeed, the very word ‘ecology’ is of Right-wing provenance (Ernst Haeckel). Such a spectacle as Trotskyites transforming themselves into ‘eco-socialists’ to manipulate another cause is a travesty, as is the alignment of Green MPs with such dogmas. Trotsky wrote:
The complete abolition of religion will be attained only when there is a fully developed socialistic structure, that is, a technique which frees man from any degrading dependence upon nature. It can be attained only under social relationships that are free from mystery, that are thoroughly lucid and do not oppress mankind. Religion translates the chaos of nature and the chaos of social relations into the language of fantastic images.
The anti-religious propaganda of the USSR included images of Muslims and rabbis that would today be regarded as Islamophobic and anti-Semitic. But today the Trotskyites find it opportune to pose as the champions of Muslim migrants. What religion is Mr Iddamalgoda, or Ms Ghahraman with her ‘feminism’? To what extent do they, or can they, honour the traditional cultures of their own background let alone anyone else’s? It seems more likely that they are steeped in the secular humanist rationalism of the Late West, which includes Marxism and feminism. Such Leftists are products of the Late West without roots in their own heritage, and aim to impose that rootlessness onto others.
Feminism? Ms Ghahraman, what do you make of this inspiring poster produced by your Antifa comrades whose banners were evident at your ‘blockade’ against ‘nazi thugs’?
The Right Honours Tradition
On the other hand, it is the Right, so far from being xenophobic, that honours all traditional cultures, within the context of their own ecological niche; as explicated for example by the leading Russian ethnologist Lev Gumilev.
It is both literati and scholars of the Right who introduced the West to Eastern and other cultures. The Right sees cultures as organic; the Left sees them as reflections of production. It is those such as Julius Evola (Tantra, Hinduism, Buddhism, Shinto), and René Guénon (Islam, Sufism) who brought an understanding of the East to the West; the scholar Mircea Eliade with his description of traditional cultures; and Rightist literati such as Ezra Pound, who translated classical Chinese poetry into English, and D H Lawrence who sought the redemption of the decaying West among American Indians. In New Zealand the poet Geoffrey Potocki and in Australia the literary mentor Percy Stephensen promoted ‘indigenous rights’ before it was popular to do so.
In contrast, the likes of George Soros pour millions into feminism, open borders, and the other causes championed by the Left, who regurgitate his slogans and call it an ‘ideology.’ How can those who do not respect their own heritage, respect anyone else’s?
Trotsky – Thoughts and Deeds
So what it Trotskyism in theory and practice, to which the organisers of the ‘blockade’ are committed, and to which Ghahraman and Davidson are willing to be fellow-travellers?
Trotsky was born into a wealthy land-owning family. An uncle was the well-connected international banker Abram Zhivotovsky, who was intimately involved in the revolutionary career of his nephew, and was connected with other bankers who funded the Marxists, such as Olof Aschberg of the Nya Banken, Stockholm, and the opulent German agent and arms dealer, Parvus, Trotsky’s mentor. Dr Richard B Spence, professor of history at Idaho State University, has recently written the definitive book on the associations between Russian revolutionaries and international bankers. He documents Zhivotovsky’s associations with his nephew and other Marxists, and the role of bankers such as Jacob Schiff of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. Trotsky, who was committed to keeping Russia in the World War (while Lenin’s faction sought an armistice) was detained at Nova Scotia, Canada, en route from New York to Russia, on suspicion of being a German agent. He and his entourage were released via the intervention of William Wiseman, head of British military intelligence in the USA who became a partner in Kuhn, Loeb & Co. This era of possibilities of global capital to exploit Russia under Bolshevism ended with Trotsky’s purging in 1925, after which Stalin proceeded with ‘socialism in one country,’ and ended concessions to global corporations. Armand Hammer of Occidental Petroleum, whose father, the wealthy Julius Hammer, was a founder of the Communist Party USA, confirms as much when he recalled that while Trotsky assured him that overseas capital would be safe under Bolshevism, after Trotsky was purged the business concessions ended. From the memoirs of the British secret agent in Russia during the revolutionary era, R H Bruce Lockhart, it is also apparent that Trotsky was the go-to man for British interests in Russia.
This collusion between global capital and revolutionists should not seem so odd today with the phenomenon of ‘colour revolutions’ being funded by Soros, USAID, National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, and a seemingly endless, interconnected network of think tanks, foundations, and NGO’s.
So what then were Trotsky’s ideas on governing Russia?
‘Militarisation of Labour,’ trades unions, wages, concentration camps, slavery:
‘The militarisation of labour … is the indispensable basic method of organisation of our labour forces… Is it true that compulsory labour is always unproductive? … This is the most miserable and wretched liberal prejudice: chattel slavery too was productive… Compulsory slave labour was in its time a progressive phenomenon. Labour… obligatory for the whole country, compulsory for every worker, is the basis of socialism. … Wages must not be viewed from the angle of securing the personal existence of the individual worker, but should measure the conscientiousness and efficiency of the work of every labourer.’
‘The unions should discipline the workers and teach them to place the interests of production above their own needs and demands… The young Workers’ State requires trade unions not for a struggle for better conditions of labour – that is the task of the social and state organisation as a whole – but to organise the working class for the ends of production.’ 
‘…the working masses cannot be left wandering all over Russia. They must be thrown here and there, appointed, commanded, just like soldiers… Deserters from labour ought to be formed into punitive battalions or put into concentration camps.’
No wonder Trotsky was put in charge of foreign business concessions, and capitalists were pleased to deal with him, just as they are with that other great Communist experiment today: China.
‘We have been more than once accused of having substituted for the dictatorship of the soviets the dictatorship of our own Party … In this substitution of the power of the party for the power of the working class there is nothing accidental, and in reality there is no substitution at all. The Communists express the fundamental interests of the working class…’
‘They [the workers’ opposition] have come out with dangerous slogans. They have made a fetish of democratic principles. They have placed the workers right to elect representatives above the party. As if the party were not entitled to assert its dictatorship even if that dictatorship clashed with the passing moods of the workers’ democracy!… The dictatorship does not base itself at every moment on the formal principle of a workers’ democracy.’
The Red Terror, concentration camps:
‘…you are indignant at the petty terror we direct against our class opponents. But be put on notice that in one month at most this terror will assume more frightful forms… Our enemies will face not prison but the guillotine.’
‘The man who recognises the revolutionary historic importance of the very fact of the existence of the Soviet system must also sanction the Red Terror.’
‘Lock up suspicious characters in concentration camps – this is a necessary condition of success. Shirkers will be shot, regardless of past service.’
‘I order you to establish the family status of former officers among command personnel and to inform each of them by signed receipt that treachery or treason will cause the arrest of their families and that, therefore, they are each taking upon themselves responsibility for their families.’
In March 1921, with a Petrograd workers’ strike having been crushed by the Bolsheviks, a resolution was drafted by the sailors at Kronstadt demanding free elections, free speech, land to the peasants, free unions, and the release of political prisoners. They had been an important and heroic factor in the Bolshevik revolution. The resolution was adopted by 16,000 workers and sailors and presented to the Bolshevik government. The reply was to send 50,000 troops against Kronstadt, accompanied by a ‘blocking army’ of 3,000 Communist cadres who ensured that the troops would not mutiny and join the sailors and workers. Kronstadt fell after eight days. The Anarchist Alexander Berkman wrote:
‘An orgy of revenge followed with the Tcheka [secret police] claiming numerous victims for its nightly wholesale shooting. For several weeks the Petrograd jails will filled with hundreds of Kronstadt prisoners. Every night small groups of them were taken out by the Tcheka and disappeared…’
Trotskyite revisionist historians have subsequently attempted to diminish Trotsky’s primary responsibility.
The Big Lie:
Trotsky wrote on the lie as a political strategy. To Marxists Western morality is bourgeois, and morality is class-based. Morality then becomes relative rather than absolute. Hence, in 1938, in reply to a question posed by a Marxist publication in Germany — ‘But in peaceful times a healthy socialist movement should manage without violence and lying’ — Trotsky responded,
‘Such an answer however represents nothing less than a pathetic evasion. There is no impervious demarcation between “peaceful” class struggle and revolution. Thus “lie and worse” are an inseparable part of the class struggle even in its most elementary form. It remains to be added that the very conception of truth and lie was born of social contradictions.’
Hence, it might be appreciated why such Leftards do not shrink from any violation of decency which is repudiated as ‘bourgeois,’ although why mainstream journalism is just as morally relativistic in portraying the ‘Right’ might indicate how far ‘cultural Marxism’ has ‘marched through the institutions’ and become mainstream.
In any event, the Rightist must affirm that his beliefs, and hence his actions and words, are nothing if not resolutely predicated on moral absolutes, and that this morality, far from being merely a product of changing economic relationships, is innate to his being part of a cultural and spiritual legacy, whose core values are eternally valid. While the Rightist is bound by such concepts as honour, that is both his burden and his calling. The end does not justify the means, otherwise the end itself becomes corrupt.
 ‘Date set to celebrate land wars,’ https://www.mch.govt.nz/date-set-commemorate-land-wars
 A more mainstream view of the Left’s antics can be read at: Michael Reddell, ‘Ill omens for our democracy,’ 30 Oct. 2017, https://croakingcassandra.com/2017/10/30/ill-omens-for-our-democracy/ Mainstream New Zealanders don’t seem to appreciate two Green MPs supporting a ‘blockade’ against a legal function at Parliament grounds.
 ‘Clashes outside parliament as protesters face National Front, NZ Herald, 28 Oct., 2017, http://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=11937772
 ‘Migrants to blockade National Front parade,’ http://www.newswire.co.nz/2017/10/migrants-blockade-national-front-parade/
 ‘Blockade the Weapons Expo,’ Eventfinda, https://www.eventfinda.co.nz/2017/blockade-the-weapons-expo/wellington
 K R Bolton, The Psychotic Left (London: Black House Publishing, 2013), 34.
 ‘Valerie Morse: Rebel Without a Pause,’ Salient, 14 May 2007, http://salient.org.nz/2007/05/valerie-morse-rebel-without-a-pause/
 Otago Daily Times, 28 October 2017, https://www.odt.co.nz/news/national/anti-racism-clashes-outside-parliament
 ‘Capitalism : Not our Future,’ Fightback, https://fightback.org.nz/2014/03/04/wgtn-conference-capitalism-not-our-future/
 Bolton, The Psychotic Left, passim.
 ‘Hard-Left Militant Activists Re-join Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn, Daily Mirror, http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/hard-left-militant-activists-apply-9240484
 Racial populism and the 2017 New Zealand General Election, Fightback, 20 October 2017, https://fightback.org.nz/?s=Gayaal+Iddamalgoda
 ‘Kick National Out! Build a Socialist Alternative,’ 22 July, 2017 , https://iso.org.nz/2017/07/22/kick-national-out-build-a-socialist-alternative/
 Bolton, Babel Inc. (London, 2013), 38.
 Bolton, Babel, Inc., 85.
 Bolton, Babel Inc., 88-95.
 Bolton, Babel Inc., 19-34.
 Noam Chomsky, Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky (New York, 2002), 88-89.
 Shomi Yoon, ‘The Poison of Nationalism,’ ISO, 19 July 2015, https://iso.org.nz/2015/07/19/the-poison-of-nationalism/
 Joshua O’Sullivan, ‘Maori Struggles and the TPPA,’ ISO, 16 Feb. 2016; https://iso.org.nz/2016/02/16/maori-struggles-and-the-tppa/
 ‘ANZAC Day: Against the Carnival of Reaction,’ ISO, 24 April 2014, https://iso.org.nz/2014/04/24/anzac-day-against-the-carnival-of-reaction/
 Trotsky, ‘How Socialists Fight Religion,’ Workers’ Liberty, http://www.workersliberty.org/story/2004/11/21/how-socialists-fight-religion
 New Zealand Antifa poster : ‘She chose to be a Nazi. Choices have consequences’: https://www.facebook.com/AntifaNZ/photos/rpp.1439260226156168/1440376746044516/?type=3&theater
 Richard B Spence, Wall Street and the Russian Revolution 1905-1925 (Walterville, Or.: Trine Day, 2017), passim.
 Armand Hammer, Witness to History (London, 1988), 160.
 R H Bruce Lockhart, Memoirs of a British Agent (London, 1934), passim.
Trotsky, 6 April 1920 to the Third All-Russian Congress of Trades Unions.
 Trotsky, Terrorism and Communism (Ann Arbor edition, 1961), 143.
Trotsky, speech at the Ninth Party Congress, 30 March 1920.
 Ibid., 107.
 Trotsky, Tenth Party Congress, 1921.
 Trotsky to the Soviet Central Executive Committee, 2 December 1917.
 Trotsky, Defence of Terrorism, 1920.
 Trotsky’s order sent to military commander at Vologda, 4 August 1918.
 Trotsky, cable to the military council at Serpukhov, 2 December 1918.
 Alexander Berkman, The Kronstadt Rebellion, 1922.
 Trotsky, ‘Their morals and Ours,’ ‘Stalinism – a product of the old society,’ The New International, Vol. 4, No. 6, June 1938, online: https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1938/morals/morals.htm
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