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Print March 18, 2015

Tři otázky k tématu identitářství

Greg Johnson

NextTime1,007 words

English original here

Poznámka: Jedná se o odpovědi na otázky akademika, sestavujícího knihu o identitárním hnutí.

1. Vnímáte Counter-Currents jako identitářské nakladatelství?

Ano i ne. Popisuji Counter-Currents Publishing jako naklatelství Nové pravice, identitářství má však k Nové pravici podobný vztah jako politika k metapolitice. Chápu identitářství jako v zásadě politické hnutí – jeho metapolitické základy však přinejmenším zčásti položila Nová pravice. Projekt Nové pravice (americké i evropské) vidím jako snahu o zformování posttotalitární pravice, vybavené k boji s poválečnou kulturní hegemonií levicových idejí. Konečným cílem je zakotvit biologické i kulturní přežití a rozkvět evropských národů a etnik jako nejvyšší politickou prioritu, protože právě tyto hodnoty homogenizující síly globalizace aktivně likvidují.

Jako rase nám hrozí vyhynutí kvůli kombinaci porodnosti pod mírou zachování populace, rasového míšení a zaplavování našich domovin barevnými imigranty a jejich potomky. Politicky se nemůžeme těmto trendům postavit kvůli ztrátě suverenity ve prospěch mezinárodních/globálních institucí a elit. Kulturně čelíme asimilaci globální konzumeristickou monokulturou, nepřátelskou evropské identitě a sebezachování.

Význam kultury však bledne v porovnání s naším biologickým vyhynutím. Artefakty vysoké evropské kultury budou v každém případě nadále oceňovány např. Asiaty a Židy – i po vyhynutí rasy, která je vytvořila. Kdybych si musel vybrat, obětoval bych celé dědictví evropské civilizace výměnou za zachování lidí, kteří ji stvořili, z nichž poté může vzejít nový zlatý věk.

I když základy identitářství byly položeny prostřednictvím desetiletí hlubokého metapolitického myšlení, psaní a učení, hnutí samo je ideologicky velice minimalistické, přímé a upřímné. Evropa náleží Evropanům. Cílem je přeměnit tuto tezi znovu ve skutečnost. Barevní musí být repatriováni. Většina identitářů by zřejmě souhlasila s výrokem Jareda Taylora ve smyslu „Máme právo být těmi, kým jsme – a jedině my můžeme být těmi, kdo jsme,“ tedy jen etničtí Francouzi mohou být Francouzi, jedině běloši mohou být Evropany; bez Evropanů by nebylo Evropy; a svět bez naší existence si nikdo duševně zdravý nechce byť jen představovat. Podobně jako s sebou nosí guerilly jen lehké zbraně k zajištění co nejvyšší pohyblivosti, umožňuje identitářský ideologický minimalismus snadno překonávat mainstreamové obránce a zůstat v ofenzívě.

Projekt Counter-Currents věnoval – především prostřednictvím našeho webzinu – spoustu pozornosti identitářům v Evropě, jelikož chceme stimulovat růst identitárního hnutí, adaptovaného na podmínky Severní Ameriky, kde naše populace sestává převážně z lidí smíšeného evropského původu, a naše oficiální národní identity jsou abstraktní, ideologické a bezrasové. V takovém prostředí nelze být jednoduše Němcem, Angličanem či Italem a být Američanem či Kanaďanem s sebou nenese rasový prvek. Proto se my v Severní Americe musíme opřít o hlubší zdroje než nacionalismy Starého světa, jmenovitě o společnou rasovou identitu a sdílené evropské kulturní kořeny, sahající až paleolitickým tvůrcům jeskynních maleb.

2. Pokládáte identitářství za revoluční?

Potenciálně ano. Identitářství je hnutím mládežnickým. Řadoví členové jsou teenageři a dvacátníci, vůdci pak třicátníci či nanejvýš čtyřicátníci. Identitáře tedy lze považovat plně za plody multikulturní Evropy. Někteří byli pochopitelně vystaveni multikulturalismu více než ostatní. A i když více či méně znají evropskou historii, nikdo z nich nemá vzpomínku nebo nostalgii po Evropě před pádem. Proto bych řekl, že jsou z podstaty méně náchylní ke kompromisům a polovičatým opatřením buržoazních konzervativců. To je jen dobře – polovičaté řešení totiž není žádným řešením, a v tom leží klíč k jejich revolučnímu potenciálu. Jedná se ale o konzervativní formu revoluce, neboť i když odmítají dnešní padlou Evropu, činí tak ve jménu obrody hlubších a autentičtějších evropských identit.

3. Co si myslíte o teorii „střetu civilizací“?

V zásadě souhlasím se Samuelem Huntingtonem, s jedinou výhradou: ve své analýze nejde dostatečně daleko.

Jeho teze o střetu civilizací vznikla v reakci na Fukuyamovu aktualizaci Kojevova popisu Hegelova konce dějin. Ty podle německého filozofa skončí, jakmile objevíme a politicky institucionalizujeme pravdu, že všichni lidé jsou svobodní. Podle Kojéva k tomu bude třeba „univerzální a homogenní stát.“ Fukuyama pak přišel s tvrzením, že triumf liberálně demokratického kapitalismu po skončení Studené války může naznačovat naplnění hegelovsko-kojevovského rámce. Přesto Fukuyama ani na moment nezapomíná, že globální buržoazní civilizaci mohou vetovat ti, kdo si přejí znovu začít dějiny nebo muslimové, kteří by rádi vytvořili velice odlišnou univerzální homogenní ummu.

Huntington jednoduše nabízí popis odlišných civilizačních bloků. (Na seznam bych přidal ještě židovskou civilizaci.) I pokud vezmeme v úvahu mezicivilizační výpůjčky a vlivy, stejně jako smíšené a prahové civilizace, civilizační mnohost zůstává skutečností. A jelikož civilizace mají rozdílné zájmy a ideje, vždy budou vznikat konflikty a napětí. Proto tedy střet civilizací. To znamená pokračování dějin v hegeliánském slova smyslu i politiky v tom schmittovském.

Dle mého soudu existují skutečné odlišnosti a tím tedy i skutečné konflikty nejen mezi, ale i uvnitř civilizačních bloků – a dokonce i mezi národními státy. Právě proto jsem etnonacionalista. Kde musí různé rasové a etnické skupiny společně existovat v rámci jednoho politického systému, vyvolává diverzita napětí. To pak rozdíly na jedné straně zahlazuje a na druhé z nich vytváří ohniska nenávisti a násilí. Proto etnonacionalisté nabízejí vizi – totožnou s identitářskou – světa homogenních, suverénních vlastí všech národů.

Aby univerzální stát fungoval, musel by být homogenní, což si nevyhnutelně žádá zničení každé unikátní kultury. Identitáři si dovolují se proti tomuto ohradit. Vlastně jsme za toto ohrazení ochotní bojovat. Tak tedy vetujeme konec dějin.

Politické sjednocení Huntingtonových civilizačních bloků není žádoucí z totožných důvodů: k zajištění homogenity, jíž je podmíněno politické fungování, mizí odlišnosti, mizí identity. Každý stát – malý či velký – funguje nejlépe s homogenní kulturou a obyvatelstvem. Podle etnonacionalistů je nejlepším cestou k dosažení takové stejnorodosti spíše rozbití států podél etnických linií než smíchání odlišných národů do jediné monorasy a monokultury.

To pochopitelně neznamená, že každý amazonský či sibiřský kmen musí dostat křeslo ve Spojených národech. Ani se tato zásada nemusí vnucovat každé etnické menšině, která o samostatnost vůbec neusiluje. V každém případě by však i v těchto případech měla být cílem maximální autonomie garatovaná zásadou subsidiarity.

Jak říkám v článku “Grandiose Nationalism,” měly by dle mého soudu evropské národy vytvořit nějakou formu volné federace – která však nebude usilovat o politické sjednocení – aby pomáhala řešit vzájemné spory a koordinovala vnější politiku vůči ostatním blokům. Osobně bych však do této federace zařadil spolu se západní i ortodoxní civilizaci dle Hungtingtony kategorizace.

Source: http://deliandiver.org/2015/03/tri-otazky-k-tematu-identitarstvi.html

 

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Alexandre KojèveCarl SchmittFrancis FukuyamaG. W. F. HegelGreg Johnsonidentitarianismin Czechin translationinterviewsmetapoliticsSamuel Huntington

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