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Print January 26, 2013

Por quê nós somos Soldados Políticos?

Rodolphe Lussac

saint-george-dragon1,708 words

English version here

“Em última instância a civilização é sempre salva por um pelotão de soldados”.

— Oswald Spengler

Nós somos soldados que servem a causa do renascimento europeu – uma causa tão pura, dura, e imperiosa quanto nossos estandartes.

Nós somos soldados porque recusamos os experimentos reformistas do sistema dominante, que – através de seus comitês eleitorais e partidários, suas venalidades sectárias, e sua farsa parlamentar – objetiva garantir a autorregulação e a reciclagem das elites corruptas controlando o sistema plutocrático vigente.

Nós somos soldados porque nós acreditamos que a salvação da família europeia de nações depende da destruição do sistema presente.

Nós somos soldados porque servimos e não apenas falamos, nós refletimos e nós agimos.

Nós serimos a causa da política no sentido de Julien Freund, sabendo que a essência da ação é a própria ação.

Nosso entendimento tríplice da política, praxeológico, fatídico, e escatológico transcende as políticas puramente operacionais, pragmáticas, e seculares da política moderna. Indo além, nós pensamos que a propaganda por idéias é uma quimera e que as idéias vem da ação e não o inverso.

É por isso que abraçamos a dialética revolucionária de Carlo Pisacane, Enrico Malatesta, Carlo Cafiero, Paul Brousse, e José Antonio, que advogavam a propaganda do feito – o feito prenhe de idéias.

Nossa fé e dever militantes estão embrenhadas no ideal nacional-revolucionário que busca uma nova ordem política, aristocrática, hierárquica, antidemocrática, e anti-igualitária, situada dentro de um esquema continental europeu, geopoliticamente auto-centrado, desconectado da economia global, independente de nossa atual servidão atlanticista, e enraizado em um conceito eurocultural de civilização baseado nos valores do sangue e do solo.

Nós somos soldados porque nós vemos a história como um conflito dialético entre forças antagônicas, cujos elementos constituintes são povos e nações.

Pois conflito e luta, como a obra de Stéphane Lupasco e Max Planck demonstram, são inerentes a todo sistema.

A história é então uma batalha sem fim entre povos organizados ao redor de suas culturas e comunidades singulares, cada uma, conscientemente ou inconscientemente, motivada por um desejo de expandir e dominar.

omo soldados, nós lutamos pela restauração do princípio político no sentido nobre de politeia, imperium e auctoritas, e em função da anagogia de Evola, que é capaz de impregnar povos com aqueles valores metapolíticos, espirituais, e antimaterialistas específicos que garantem a adesão espontânea das massas.

Para nós, como para Carl Schmitt, a política é aquela arena privilegiada na qual o inimigo e o amigo são claramente designados.

É por isso que nós rejeitamos o conceito administrativo favorecido por políticos partidários, que promovem um estado sustentado por frenesis hedonistas – um estado cujos sujeitos são cretinizados e emasculados, manipulados pela sociedade de consumo e pela mídia – sujeitos desse modo a um empreendimento que organiza, dirige, e os trata com condescendência de modo a dissolver todo esforço revolucionário no solvente de uma falsa ordem hiperfestiva de entretenimento permanente.

Como soldados, nós defendemos o ideal de um estado “polemológico” encarregado, acima de tudo, com a defesa da sobrevivência e crescimento do poder europeu contra os ataques do hegemonismo americano, do islamismo radical, e da colonização extra-europeia de nossas terras ancestrais. Nesse sentido, nós rejeitamos categoricamente a concepção social-contratual da nação e buscamos restaurá-la como aquele corpo místico passado de uma geração a outra.

A nação para nós permanece um determinismo, uma necessidade, uma força, e uma vontade.

Nós somos soldados porque acreditamos que a atividade guerreira é o mais alto grau pelo qual as civilizações se tornam complexas pela qual a alavanca primordial da história eleva pátrias e cidades-estado.

A guerra nesse sentido heraclítico tem animado as relações internacionais desde o tempo de Tucídides, e do tempo de Maquiavel.

consciência e sua maior eficácia.

O estado é e permanece acima de tudo uma máquina de guerra e todas as suas outras funções são subordinadas a isso, mesmo se a concepção burguesa e administrativa do estado democrático vigente conseguiu amarrar uma certa ordem a partir da delinquência reinante e sua prosperidade corruptora.

A autoridade internacional do estado é tão grande quanto sua habilidade de causar dano, e a história mostra que apenas aqueles ligado ao mos maiorum (lei ancestral) e a uma oposição conservadora contra as forças centrífugas conseguem alcançar a soberania da glória militar.

É assim que era na Roma de Augusto e Diocleciano, na Rússia de Pedro o Grande e Lênin, no Islâ de Mehmet Ali e Mustafá Kemal, na China de Huang-di e Mao Zedong, cada um dos quais conquistou vitórias domésticas e externas antes de ousar impôr a profunda transformação revolucionária na qual eles acreditavam.

Como soldados políticos, nós buscamos restaurar o ideal de uma vocação política que transcende o economismo contemporâneo e relegitimar o ideal daqueles homens excepcionais que articulam e incorporam uma ética de convicção, responsabilidade e dever.

Dentro das democracias burguesas nos governando e nos ofendendo, prospera uma classe de políticos profissionais e burocratas, de demagogos e oportunistas de todos os tipos, cujo uso mercenário de altos cargos políticos é motivado exclusivamente por razões de ganhos pessoais ou carreirismo.

Como soldados, nós realizaremos a varredura necessária que enviará estes impostores, estes traidores de nossos grande ideais políticos europeus, ao diabo. E nisso nós aspiramos a ver imperador e proletário, animados pela mesma fé revolucionária, marchando ombro a ombro: paradigma de um novo heroísmo.

Nós sustentamos que há uma contingência essencial entre o estado de exceção e a essência da soberania política, constituindo o ponto de desequilíbrio separando o direito público do fato político.

Nós defendemos um estado de exceção de modo a estabelecer o estado como a emanação de uma nova ordem, como um meio de terminar a anomia geral e a disordem reinante.

O sintagma “força da lei” se sustenta em uma longa tradição de direito romano e medieval constituído para eficácia e lealdade.

Nós gostaríamos de restaurar uma perspectiva operacional investida com o arquétipo da instituição jurídica romana – o iustitium – decretado sempre que o Senado Romano era informado de uma situação que poderia comprometer a República – um senatus consultum ultimum ditando medidas necessárias para garantir a segurança do estado.

Esse modo de lidar com estados de emergência remete ao antigo conceito de sol stitium: àquelas instâncias quando a lei era suspensa, como o Sol em seu solstício, (e onde a questão da soberania – a questão de quem porta a autoridade final – era diretamente colocada).

Acima de tudo, nós somos soldados políticos porque somos militantes.

Etmologicamente, “militantes” faz referência a distinção teológica entre a Igreja Militante e a Igreja Triunfante.

Uma analogia pode ser feita entre o militante político e o crente, cujas verdades informam todos os aspectos de seu ser, especialmente em sua essência e totalidade.

O militante luta, ataca, e paga com sua pessoa pelo triunfo de seus ideais.

O verbo “militar” vem do latim militari, que significa “soldados” (no plural), aos quais pertencia uma Igreja (um exército) que demandava um espírito de disciplina, auto-sacrifício, e abnegação

É por isso que a militância está no coração de nossa luta política.

O militante ideal para nós deve ser um revolucionário, capaz de ligar dialeticamente seu conhecimento teórico e prático a uma compreensão global da sociedade na qual ele vive. Ele assim voluntariamente se submete a uma rotina disciplinada, realizando nela uma unidade de teoria e prática.

Como soldados políticos, nós não acreditamos que a evolução é automática ou que as revoluções são espontâneas, porque não há fatalidades na política ou na economia; a ordem liberal e capitalista dominante sabem muito bem como se regenerar e como superar contradições de modo a sobreviver.

As massas também não são apenas exploradas, elas são mentalmente manipuladas e alienadas.

Não há avanço revolucionário sem um processo de desenvolvimento, culminando em uma luta entre povos beligerantes.

Esses conflitos se manifestam em diversas formas, em lutas setoriais ou locais (ao nível da empresa, da região, etc.)

Elas podem parecer espontâneas mas elas estão ligadas a uma consciência em mutação e ao esforço de militantes que emergem de baixo conforme são dirigidos a partir de cima.

Conflitos de rua, não importa quão exemplares, não podem realizar uma mudança global do sistema, porque tais conflitos abordam apenas certos particulares quotidianos, produtos de um complexo social mais amplo, e não o próprio sistema.

Ao invés, eles precisam ser conectados e coordenados na forma de uma ação ideológica vanguardista global, capaz de levantar questões a partir de uma perspectiva que abranja todo o sistema. É necessário, então, evitar um elitismo extremamente rígido e um reformismo lúdico – de modo a garantir uma intermediação entre a luta global e a luta local, entre a ação política de vanguarda e o movimento de massa.

Como soldados políticos nós advogamos uma revolução que resulte não apenas em uma mera mudança estrutural na economia e no estado, mas também no espírito, uma mudança ontológica que levará à formação de um novo homem, livre do individualismo e egoísmo burgueses.

Essa “revolução total” afetará as relações e a ética que regulam o significado de nossa vida quotidiana.

A revolução que nós advogamos será um retorno às origens, um voltar atrás, que estabeleça uma ordem estatal autoritária, uma economia dirigida, e uma concepção exclusiva de identidade – uma revolução realizada em harmonia com a mentalidade singular dos povos europeus e em acordo com um princípio de homologia que expurga instituições e mentalidades de elementos alógenos dissolventes.

Como soldados políticos, nós estamos imbuídos de modo irredimível com uma concepção trágica da vida, sabendo, como Alfred Webber, que cada ordem superior acaba perpetuando um certo caos conforme aperfeiçoe seu poder.

Trágica porque nós estamos conscientes da grandeza imponderável do universo e do mundo e da imperfeição e finitude da natureza humana.

Em face dessa metafísica constante e paradoxal, nós defendemos um reencantamento do mundo e uma estetização do estado, como visualizado por românticos alemães como Goethe, Novalis, Schlegel, e Müller – conscientes, como nós somos, de que as idéias iluministas da revolução francesa, a revolução liberal de 1789, junto com o processo geral de secularização, desde então desencantou o mundo no sentido de Max Weber.

Nós queremos, como Novalis, que nossa revolução se torna uma totalidade orgânica, poética na qual o novo estado é a incorporação existencial e estética de nosso ideal de perfeição humana.

E uma vez que completemos esta tarefa, nós iremos a algum outro lugar, distante, sempre mais distante, lá próximo de nossos Deuses.

Source: http://legio-victrix.blogspot.com/2012/01/por-que-nos-somos-soldados-politicos.html

 

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